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  • 學位論文

多元文化國家的公民教育──兼論台灣原住民族公民教育的困境

Civic Education in Multicultural States: The Predicament of the Indigenous Peoples' Civic Education in Taiwan

指導教授 : 江宜樺

摘要


本文旨在分析多元文化國家的公民教育。本文主要分成三部份: 第一部份(第一章)探析公民教育於現代國家政治同一性之形塑過程所扮演之角色。現代民族國家的政治權力之遂行,首要工作乃是將「人」打造成有政治邊界、文化邊界與意志邊界的「公民」,以使被統治者政治效忠的對象由「統治者」轉變為「國家」,並且產生具有再生產性質由下而上支撐政治共同體同一性的支持力量。在此過程中,官方義務教育扮演了最重要的政治社會化之功能。它不僅把「人」以「民族」的一份子之名收編進「國家」,也把人的生活整合進一個同質性標準化的文化系統當中。前者是政治意識的收編與鍛造,而後者則是工業化社會與資本主義經濟之所需。政治與經濟,實為現代民族國家之一體兩面:「民族」是現代國家的政治特性,「工業資本主義經濟」則是現代國家的物質基礎。一個現代國家的公民所被期望具備的政治意識與現代知識平台,都透過義務教育被打造或被催化。此一具有強大同化效果的教育工程,也對弱勢族群或弱勢民族的語言與文化存續造成重大威脅。本章一方面回答了公民教育於民族國家形成時所扮演的角色,另方面,這也是研究當今多元文化國家教育問題的理論基礎。 第二部份(第二、三章)從規範性理論的角度分析多元文化國家的公民教育,探討的對象是自由主義以及多元文化論。自由主義冀望藉由建立公正的政治規則來安置文化或價值上的歧異,但自由主義根本的公私領域二元劃分(文化或倫理價值是私領域事務),卻使之無力處理強勢族群透過掌握國家教育體制將其文化強迫弱勢群體接受的同化問題。多元文化論則發現國家與文化有必然的聯結關係,主張透過文化群體間的承認與對話、並且在教育體制上培養理解不同文化的能力來落實文化間的對等關係。本文認為,此一方面表明了具體的政治經濟與社會脈絡分析是必要的,另方面也顯示了政治過程具有不可取代的重要性。 第三部份(第四、五章)透過在花蓮縣三個原住民部落的田野調查,分析台灣原住民族所面臨的公民教育困境,以及原住民自己對此問題的思考。本文深入分析台灣原住民族在教育體制上所面臨的政治與經濟兩層壓力,以及原住民族自己在教育上的四種態度。本文發現,在教育體制與內容上,原住民多多少少意識到由漢族所掌握的政治體制的壓迫,但卻難以抗拒第二層體制(資本主義經濟)的壓迫。現代社會的第二層體制(經濟)乃是利用第一層體制(政治)力量為它打造出一套標準化的知識系統與符號,由於漢族語言與文化已然被打造成標準化的知識平台,原住民為了取得更高的教育資源並藉此改善經濟生活,不得不努力訓練自己熟悉這套文化與言說書寫符號系統,從而使其語言與文化之復振困難重重。雖然國家權力此一政治體制對原住民族文化生存的壓迫是顯而易見的,但第二層體制(資本主義現代社會)的壓力,才是造成原住民族進退維谷的真正原因。

並列摘要


This paper aims to analyze civic education in multicultural states, which can be divided into three parts as below: Part 1(Chapter 1) aims to explore the role played by civic education in the formation of modern states’ political identity. In their exercise of power, the primary task of modern nation-states is to transform “people” into politically, culturally and bounded “citizens,” so that the state, instead of the “ruler,” will be regarded by the ruled as the object of loyalty, and supportive forces that uphold from below the identity of political communities will occur. In this process, official compulsory education bears the most important function of political socialization. It not only subjects “people,” now conceived as part of a “nation,” to the “state,” but integrates people’s daily life into a homogenized and standardized cultural system. While the former serves to assimilate and foster political consciousness, the latter is necessary for an industrialized society and capitalist economic system. Politics and economy are in fact two sides of the same coin, i.e. the modern nation-state: “nation” is a political feature of the modern state, and “industrial capitalist economy” is the material base of it. The political consciousness and modern knowledge expected to be acquired by modern citizens are formed or facilitated by the compulsory education. This educational project, with its profound assimilating effects, also poses a threat to the language and culture of the ethnic or national minorities. Chapter 1 therefore expounds the role played by civic education in the formation of nation-states, and contributes to the theoretical foundation of the research on multicultural education in a modern state. Part 2 (Chapter 2 and 3) analyzes the civic education of multicultural states from normal theory perspectives and it aims to explore liberalism and multiculturalism. Whilst liberalism intends to settle cultural or value differences by setting up impartial political rules, its fundamental bipolar element of private-public distinction (i.e. regarding cultural or ethical values as private affairs) incapacitates itself from handling the cultural assimilation imposed by dominating groups upon minorities through the former’s dominance in national education system. In contrast, multiculturalism perceives the inevitable connection between state and culture. It proposes realization of culture equalities by intercultural recognitions and communications and by building capacities to understand different cultures through education system. Such position demonstrates the essentialness of analyses on concrete political, economical, and social contexts as well as the irreplaceable importance of political process. With field study on three indigenous tribes in Hualien County, part 3 (Chapter 4 and 5) analyzes the predicament of indigenous peoples’ civic education in Taiwan and their own reflection on such issue. This paper analyzes in depth political and economic pressures faced by indigenous peoples in Taiwan in education system and four types of attitudes these indigenous peoples have on education. This paper indicates that, as far as education system and essence are concerned, indigenous peoples in Taiwan sense more or less the oppression from the political system dominated by Han Chinese but are hardly able to fight against the same from the second level system (capitalist economy). The second level system of modern society (economy) utilizes the first level system (politics) to formulate a set of standardized knowledge and symbols. As the language and culture of Han Chinese have been formulated as the standardized knowledge, indigenous peoples are left no choice but to familiarize themselves with such culture and language system to obtain more educational resources and to improve their life, which makes the revitalization of their cultures and languages extremely difficult. The oppression of state on indigenous culture is crystal clear; however, it is the pressure from the second level system (capitalist modern society) that traps indigenous peoples in Taiwan in a real sense.

參考文獻


1998 《自由主義、民族主義與國家認同》,台北:揚智。
2000 《原住民教育之理論與實際》,台北:揚智。
2004 〈原住民教育現況、問題及發展趨向〉,《台灣教育》第626期,頁201- 211。
2003 〈多元、寬容與道德學習:憲法與群育教育的美學關聯〉,《政治與社會哲學評論》第5期。
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被引用紀錄


賴俊兆(2014)。原住民族教育權利的憲法建構〔碩士論文,國立臺灣大學〕。華藝線上圖書館。https://doi.org/10.6342%2fNTU.2014.02289
巫孟庭(2011)。性別平等價值與宗教自由之衝突-探討天主教學校與性別平等教育法之關係〔碩士論文,國立臺灣大學〕。華藝線上圖書館。https://doi.org/10.6342%2fNTU.2011.10240
張雅筑(2011)。原住民族教育機會均等如何可能-就新竹縣原住民族家長與教育人員觀點探究〔碩士論文,國立臺灣師範大學〕。華藝線上圖書館。https://www.airitilibrary.com/Article/Detail?DocID=U0021-1610201315233880
吳珮甄(2012)。樂樂鄉國小學童族群認同的形塑過程〔碩士論文,國立中正大學〕。華藝線上圖書館。https://www.airitilibrary.com/Article/Detail?DocID=U0033-2110201613521549

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