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  • 學位論文

中共新安全觀下的中緬關係

Chin’s new security strategy:Deepening Sino-Myanmar relation under

指導教授 : 趙春山

摘要


1987年中共黨的十三大會議,趙紫陽以「沿著有中國特色的社會主義道路前進」為題。針對國際形勢和中共現代化建設的需要,提出「和平與發展」兩大主題,藉此調整外交格局和黨的對外關係,發展獨立自主、反對霸權主義、維護世界和平的對外政策。中共新安全觀的提出反映冷戰後,安全環境的不確定性和複雜性,在全球化的背景引導下,各國之間的相互依存度不斷加深,中共配合時空的變化,提出以互信、互利、平等、協作的新安全觀,認為必須摒棄冷戰時代的舊思維,強調以對話協商促進相互瞭解和信任的建立。 中國需要一個長期和平的環境,來實現自身的現代化;中共深切瞭解中國的和平發展,離不開世界各國共同的參與。必須從信任感開始著手,才能排除周邊國家對於中共越來越強的競爭壓力,與外傳的「中國威脅論」產生聯想。中共以和平共處五項原則作為對外政策的基礎,透過新安全觀的理念,將中共崛起的軍事威脅論,轉移到非傳統安全的範疇。但是受到國內經濟發展需求的影響,能源、西部大開發後的發展問題,直接影響到中共未來的發展,甚至政權的穩固。 緬甸連接中國大陸、東南亞和南亞次大陸等三大區域,由於緬甸所處的地理位置,正俯視著麻六甲海峽出口,向西可以壓縮印度向南海、東南亞一線伸展的空間,向北可以切斷中國與東協國家在陸地的聯絡。中共若取得與緬甸的軍事合作,緬甸可能提供中國在印度洋上,幾個近海島嶼的海軍設施。在整個東南亞戰略位置上,特別是箝制麻六甲海峽,形成具有關鍵性的影響。中共一旦控制了麻六甲海峽,以及新加坡一帶的戰略咽喉,即可將鄰國從中東獲得的石油和進入歐洲市場的通道控制在自己的勢力範圍之下。中共通過緬甸走向印度洋,另一層重要意義在打破美國佈下的「麻六甲困局」,同時也能夠限制印度在南亞建立「排他性」的地區霸權,成為中國在地緣政治上的對手。 緬甸在中共的最初構思中,原本是設定作為運輸通道之用,藉以破除麻六甲困境的方案,但是由於區域環境的變化,讓中共覺悟到,緬甸除了可以提供運輸及貿易的通路之外,同時給予中共一個拓展海權的機會,以維護運輸安全作為藉口,加強發展在印度洋的軍事力量(包括為未來的航母配置預作準備),間接對東協國家造成影響力,再將權力從印度洋拓展到太平洋,達到牽制印度與美國相抗衡的目的,這一些動作也許是中共企圖想要站在領導的地位,為重新建構新世界秩序作佈局。

並列摘要


In 1987 the Chinese Communist Party's 13 major conferences, Zhao Ziyang to "along the socialist road with Chinese characteristics forward," as its theme. Against the international situation and the needs of the modernization of the Chinese Communists, the "peace and development" the two main themes, so as to adjust the diplomatic pattern and the party's external relations, development of independence, oppose hegemonism and safeguard world peace foreign policy. Chinese Communists put forward a new concept of security to reflect the post-Cold War security environment of uncertainty and complexity, in the context of globalization under the guidance of the mutual dependence between countries continues to deepen with the temporal and spatial changes in the PRC, the mutual trust, mutual benefit , equality and coordination, a new security concept that must move away from old Cold War era thinking, emphasis on dialogue and consultation to promote mutual understanding and confidence-building. China needs a long-term peaceful environment, to achieve its modernization; CPC-depth understanding of China's peaceful development is inseparable from the common participation of all countries in the world. Should start having a sense of trust in order to exclude the neighboring countries for the Chinese Communist growing competitive pressures, with the rumor of "China threat theory" association. Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence as the Chinese Communist foreign policy of the foundation, through the idea of a new security concept will be the rise of Communist China military threat theory, shifted to non-traditional security areas. But economic development by domestic demand, energy, development of the western region's development problems, a direct impact on the future development of the Chinese Communists, and even the stability of the regime. Myanmar to connect mainland China, Southeast Asia and the subcontinent of South Asia, such as the three major regions, as a result of Myanmar's geographical location, overlooking the Strait of Malacca is the export of India to the west can be compressed in the South China Sea, Southeast Asia, first-line extension of the space, the north can be cut off China and ASEAN nations in the land of the contact. Achieved if China's military cooperation with Myanmar, Myanmar may offer China in the Indian Ocean, several offshore islands, naval facilities. Strategic position in the whole of Southeast Asia, especially to clamp down the Strait of Malacca, it’s a form of influence. Once the Chinese communists took control of the Strait of Malacca and Singapore's strategic area of the throat, can be obtained in neighboring countries from the Middle East oil and enter the European market access control under its sphere of influence. Communist China, through Myanmar to the Indian Ocean, another layer of significance in the United States to break the cloth under the "Malacca dilemma", but also to limit the India in South Asia to establish "exclusive" of regional hegemony and become China's geopolitical rivals. Myanmar in the CPC's initial idea was originally set up for use as a transport corridor to get rid of the plight of Malacca program, but due to regional environmental changes, so realize that the Chinese Communists, Myanmar in addition to the provision of transport and trade access, the At the same time to give the CPC an opportunity to develop sea power in order to protect transportation security as a pretext to strengthen the development of military forces in the Indian Ocean (including the aircraft carrier for the future to prepare for pre-configuration), indirectly affect the ASEAN nations, and then power from the Indian Ocean extended to the Pacific, reaching to contain India and the United States against the purpose, which some actions may be an attempt to want to stand in the leadership of the CPC's position, in order to re-construct a new world order for the layout.

參考文獻


金榮勇,緬甸簡史(南投縣:暨大東南亞研究中心,2003年6月)。
汝信等合著,2008年中國社會形勢分析與預測 (北京:社會科學文獻出版社,2008年1月)。
陳佳貴等合著,2008年中國經濟形勢分析與預測(北京:社會科學文獻出版社,2007年12月)。
高朗,「後冷戰時期中共外交政策之變與不變」,政治科學論叢,第21期(2004年9月)。
趙可金、倪世雄,中國國際關係理論研究(上海:復旦大學出版社,2007年4月)。

被引用紀錄


邱明寰(2013)。中共在聯合國安理會否決權之使用〔碩士論文,淡江大學〕。華藝線上圖書館。https://doi.org/10.6846/TKU.2013.00387

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