太陽花盛開後回看躁動年代：青年社運行動者社群網絡的生成與實踐（2007-2016）

The Restless Decade before Sunflower Movement:The Emergence and Practices of Networks of Social Movement Youth Activists (2007-2016)

魏揚(Wei, Yang)

指導教授 ： 陳瑞樺

國立清華大學/人文社會學院/社會學研究所/碩士(2016年)

摘要

2014年3月，一場因為青年行動者佔領立法院而引爆的街頭狂飆在各個面向引發了持續性的討論。本研究所欲處理的問題即由對這場運動的觀察與反思中延伸而來：318佔領行動的歷史脈絡為何？如何理解這場運動中暗潮洶湧的矛盾與摩擦？這群青年社運行動者如何出現與形成社群網絡？他們各自被什麼樣的價值理念召喚到社會運動實踐的場域？
綜言之，本研究的企圖在於描繪2007年到2016年間青年社會運動行動者在社會實踐上的「總體像」，並透過此總體像的呈現，進一步理解近年來青年行動者的實踐所指向的社會矛盾與社會抗爭的性質。
為了歷史性地理解上述問題，本研究在時間軸上回溯到2008年野草莓運動前，以對青年社會運動行動者進行深度訪談的方式，搭配相關社會運動文獻的鋪陳與引述，透過個人實踐生命敘事與社會運動發展史的結合與並呈，深入檢視2007年到2016年間投身校園運動、社會運動的青年行動者社群網絡的生成與實踐的狀況。
本研究從三個分析視角展開對上述問題意識的描繪與分析：首先是回顧行動者生成與形成社群網絡的脈絡與過程；第二是檢視這些青年行動者社群網絡所主要投入的議題與社會運動的性格、路線與論述取徑，並分析在此過程對青年行動者社群網絡有重大影響與號召力的價值理念表現為何？第三，在上述兩個過程中，透過青年行動者的主觀認知與理解，我們可以觀察到哪些台灣近幾年來所面臨的政治經濟結構變遷趨勢。
野草莓運動後，普遍而言校園還是許多青年行動者的主要實踐基地，約莫2010年前後青年行動者開始在學權、農村、土地與環境相關議題上有了密集的跨校、跨區串連與合作。2011年透過反國光石化運動與兩次大型社團交流，各地青年行動者社群形成具有一定認識基礎與連帶的網絡，針對「青年」的集體身份、認同與集體行動的建構與召喚也在此時逐漸清晰。
2012年時，以3月底的士林王家強拆作為序幕，加以「學潮再起」社團交流所串起的網絡連結，青年行動者社群在2012年進行不同於以往的高密度、高強度串連。無論是反美牛行動、反高學費運動或反媒體壟斷運動都高度仰賴以校園學運社團為節點所串起的行動者社群網絡。然而從反媒體壟斷運動到2013年的反服貿運動，卻也可觀察到社群網絡的價值與路線歧異逐漸浮現。前述兩場運動之行動者藉由「中國因素論」獲得社會關注，其高度政治化的運動路線更對國民黨政府的政經路線與統治正當性提出根本質疑，與此同時，大多數校園異議性社團以及經營其他議題領域的行動者社群網絡在上述高度政治化的運動中普遍而言參與度較低，對於具有鮮明國族主義色彩的這兩場運動態度也較為保留，這樣的歧異也延續到2014年318佔領行動，構成太陽花運動中暗潮洶湧的社群網絡矛盾與摩擦的主要部份之一。
透過爬梳過去近十年來青年行動者社群網絡的生成與實踐，本研究歸納出這段期間以社會運動為主要實踐領域、帶有理想主義色彩的青年行動者，許多都是在與帶有「發展主義」與「新自由主義」思維邏輯的政府政策拼博的過程中逐漸成熟，並形成具有價值親近性的社群網絡。與此同時，在近幾年的校園領域轉型正義、台灣文史重新引介及「中國因素論」的浮現等進程中，台灣國族主義也在青年行動者社群網絡中成為具高度號召力的動員工具與實踐動力。
上述兩組對青年行動者有高度號召力的實踐軸線，反映了台灣近幾年所面對的政治經濟進程，一者是以加入區域經貿整合賽局為主要目的的經貿去管制化經濟政策走向，二者是台灣與中國在政治經濟上日益頻繁而密切的互動以及台灣在經貿上高度依賴中國的現象。
面對這個具體而宏大的政治經濟結構，以及台灣內部社會運動局勢的升溫，青年行動者既存的認識論與方法論差異在各種因素作用下顯得益加尖銳。「哪些是優位價值、哪些可以犧牲」、「該如何理解台灣當前所面臨的威脅的本質？」、「誰可以作為盟友？」，這些差異既深刻影響了反服貿運動與318佔領行動／太陽花運動的樣貌，更在民進黨於運動後的兩次大選中迅速接收該場運動所激發的社會力與政治機會的過程中，浮現為青年行動者社群之間在政治與社會想像上最巨大的歧異之一。

關鍵字

社會運動 ； 青年行動者 ； 社群網絡 ； 太陽花運動 ； 318佔領行動 ； 發展主義 ； 新自由主義 ； 臺灣國族主義

並列摘要

On March 18th 2014, groups of youth activists launched a sudden and success occupation of Legislative Yuan in order to paralyze the Congress and prevent the Cross Strait Service Trade Agreement from passing.The so-called Sunflower Movement has raised continuous discussions and debates over several aspects. The purpose of this thesis is to seek the answer of the following questions through my personal observations and reflections on the movement: What was the historical context of Sunflower Movement? How did these youth activists emerge and form communities and networks before the Sunflower movement? To what extent could we make sense of the undercurrent of discrepancies and conflicts between activists? What were the ideals and values that inspired those youth activists and impel them to devote themselves to the sphere of social movement?
Generally speaking, this thesis aims to depict the overall image of youth activists during 2007 to 2016, gaining insight into the nature of Taiwan’s social conflicts and social contentions which are revealed by the practices of youth activists in recent years.
To historically address these questions, this thesis looks back to the time before the “Wild Strawberry Movement” in 2008, and combines both personal biography of activists’ practice courses and the phylogeny of social movement through in-depth interviews with youth activists who had been active in various social movements during the past decade and by studying social-movement-related documents and articles. Therefore, it is the intent of the present study to review the process of the emergences of the communities and networks of youth activists who had committed themselves in Student and social movement, followed by analysis of commons and differences in their ideals and values, concerns and practices.
This thesis develops the depiction and analysis of the questions from three dimensions. First dimension is the review on the contexts of emergences of youth activists and the forming process of the activists’ communities and networks. The second dimension is the investigation on characteristics, courses, orientations and the discourse approaches of those social movements in which many youth activists participated. The third dimension is to portrait the activists’ subjective perceptions and understandings of the politic-economic structure.
After the Wild Strawberry Movement, the campus generally remained the main base and practice sphere of most youth activists. Around 2010, some youth activists began to develop constant trans-campus and trans-regional communications, cooperation and alliances upon issues as student-right, rural and agriculture, land appropriation, land development, and environmental protection. In the year of 2011, during the “Anti-Kuo Kuang Petrochemical Industry Movement（反國光石化運動）”and through two major student-dissent-groups-communications（大型校園異議性社團交流）, youth activist communities had formed up a general network with certain level of mutual acquaintance and solidarity. Also, the agenda of constructing a collective identity of “Youth” and calling for collective actions upon the subjectivity of “Youth” had become concrete and specific since 2011.
In the year of 2012, due to the demolition of Wang residence in Shilin（士林王家強拆）which kicked-off the restless social contentions of this year, and the effect of “Resurgence of Student Activism: Forum of Action（學潮再現：行動論壇）” which enrolled many youth activists and created connections between communities, the youth activist communities and networks were undertaking series of alliances that were much more regular and intense than before. Both “Anti-US beef Action（反美牛行動）”, “Anti-Commodification of Education Movement（反教育商品化運動）”, “Anti-Media Monopoly Movement（反媒體壟斷運動）” highly relied on the activist networks that were connected by the student-dissent groups as panel points.
However, one can notice that discrepancies and conflicts between activists communities had gradually emerged during the Anti-Media Monopoly Movement in 2012 and the “Anti-Cross Strait Service Trade Agreement Movement（反服貿運動）” in 2013. These two movements had received major social support and caught media attention with its “China Factors” discourse framework. As its highly politicized movement orientation, these movements had fundamentally challenged the political and economic course of the KMT government and its legitimacy. Meanwhile, most of the student-dissent groups and activists from other issues were in a relatively low participation, and often hold a reluctant and reserved attitude toward these two movements due to the obvious nationalism characteristics of it. Those discrepancies continued to exist in the 318 Occupation, consequently constituted the main conflicts and arguments among the youth activists in Sun Flower Movement.
By going through the emergences and practices of the communities and networks of youth activists in the past decade, the present study suggests that during this period of time, the emergence and maturity of many youth activists and idealists, who regard social movements as sphere of practice, were build up on the context of fighting against the government’s policy and the embedded logic of developmentalism and neo-liberalism. Meanwhile, Taiwanese Nationalism has become a powerful mobilizing tool and a common practice motivation among youth activists as the promotion of recent transitional-justice in many campuses, as well as the re-introduction and renaissance of Taiwanese culture and history, and the emergence and popularity of “China Factor” discourse.
These two practiced axes, which mentioned above, are appealing for the young activists, and highly reflected the political and economic developing courses of Taiwan in recent years. The first course is the “de-regulation oriented economic policy” which aims to make sure Taiwan can catch up with the rising trend of regional economic integration. The second course is the fact that Taiwan has built up intense and intimate interaction and growing reliance both politically and economically upon China.
Facing this macro political and economic structure and the escalating tension of Taiwan’s political struggles and social movements, the pre-existing discrepancies on epistemology and methodology between youth activists had grown widen and sharpened. ”What is the nature of the threat we are confronting? ”, “which values are the priorities?”, “which can be scarified? ”, and “who can be allies?”, such questions have become critical and have crucially affected the characteristics, the unfolding processes, and the outcomes of the Anti-Cross Strait Service Trade Agreement Movement, 318 Occupation and the Sun Flower Movement.
After DPP harvested on the social forces and political opportunities created by the Sun Flower Movement by sweeping and wining the two elections followed the Movement, the different ways of making sense of the current macro political and economic structure that Taiwan is facing now has clearly become the major discrepancies and conflicts on political and social imagination between youth activists.

並列關鍵字

social movement ； youth activist ； community and network ； Sunflower Movement ； 318 occupation ； developmentalism ； neo-liberalism ； Taiwanese nationalism

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