「同t’ung」和而不同:談國語和客語蒙受結構

A Comparative study of Affective construction: A case on Mandarin Chinese and Hakka

鍾叡逸(Jui-yi Chung)

指導教授 ： 蔡維天

國立清華大學/人文社會學院/語言學研究所/碩士(2007年)

摘要

本篇文章探討國語、客語中涉及論元擴充的蒙受結構(affective construction)。蒙受結構包含國語「給」、客語「同t’ung」字句這類有標的「顯性蒙受結構」(Overt Affective Construction)，以及貌似雙賓結構、蒙受論元沒有特別的詞彙標記的「隱性蒙受結構」(Covert Affective construction)。

我們將以蒙受結構核心課題對比國語、客語的相關現象。蒙受結構之所以引人注目，在於這類句式都藉助施用結構(Applicative constructions)之力，拓展動詞的固有論元結構，核准擔任蒙受者的非典論元擠身論元結構已臻飽和的語句。國語顯性、隱性蒙受結構，以TP, vP, VP為界，分作於四大類施用結構─外高階、內高階、中階，以及低階。外高階、內高階施用以顯性的「給」作為中心語，構成有標的、顯性蒙受結構；隱性蒙受結構則隸屬中低階施用(Tsai 2007)。我們發現客語蒙受結構也有顯性、隱性兩類句式，然而其句式形態與施用詞組的高低層次並未如國語這般絕對對應。客語顯性蒙受「同t’ung」字句具有雙重身份─高階、中階施用，使得客語中階施用不僅有隱性、無標的類型，也有顯性的句式。不過，客語裡不見典型的低階施用結構，蒙受結構以高階施用「同t’ung」字句，以及兩類中階施用─隱性蒙受結構、中階「同t’ung」字句為主，涵蓋高階、中階兩層次。

整體而言，客語有相近於國語之處，同時也展現方言特色。就最終句式來說，客語與國語一般都具備顯性、隱性兩種類型；另一方面從施用結構的階層而論，客語蒙受結構以高階、中階施用為主，則顯露了方言獨特之處。

關鍵字

蒙受結構 ； 施用結構 ； 論元增容 ； 國語客語比較語法

並列摘要

This work focuses on the affective construction in Mandarin Chinese and Hakka. The affective construction has two types, either in the overt form marking the Affectee by Mandarin gei ‘give’ or Hakka t’ung ‘with ’ ,or in the covert form in which the Affectee does not have any marker.

The affective construction is a sort of argument augmentation. The predicate of the affective construction with all its arguments saturated still can take the extra argument—the Affectee once it is licensed by the head of applicatives. Tsai (2007) proposes that there are four types of affective constructions in Mandarin—very high applicative, high applicative, middle applicative and low applicative. The overt construction introducing the Affectee be gei belongs to the higher groups, while the covert types represent the middle and low groups. Followed Tsai (2007), we propose that the very high and high Applicatives in Hakka are expressed by the t’ung constructions. By contrast, Hakka middle applicative has two types of construals: the fist type does without any marker which is headed by implicit applicative head; the other type is marked affective construction which is headed by t’ung. Thus, t’ung has double statuses: it can serve as a high applicative head, and a middle applicative head.

The Hakka Affectives stands in the borderland between Mandarin and Chinese dialects. Like Mandarin, the unmarked middle types and the high applicative type also can be observed in Hakka. Like Chinese dialect such as Southern Min, Hakka has marked middle Applicatives but lacks a typical low applicative construction.

參考文獻

construction in Taiwanese Southern Min. USTWPL 2: 141-

鄭縈. 2004. 〈漢語「有」的語法化〉，《漢語學報》163-202

PPs in Mandarin Chinese Linguistics 41:1085-1122.

Hole, Daniel. 2004b. Extra argumentality – A binding

Richard Larson, Utpal Lahiri,Sabine Iatridou, and James