閩南語評價詞「好」之多重語法功能與語法化：語料庫為本之分析

Grammatical Functions and Grammaticalization of the Evaluative Word HO2 ‘good’ in Southern Min: A Corpus-based Approach

張羣(Chang, Chun)

指導教授 ： 連金發

國立清華大學/人文社會學院/語言學研究所/博士(2010年)

https://doi.org/10.6843/NTHU.2010.00563

摘要

本文從語法化(GRAM)的觀點，利用現代閩南語語料庫(MSMC)的語料，來探討閩南語閩南語評價詞「好」HO2 和其相關構式所構成的多功能性用法 (Traugott and Dasher 2002; Hopper and Traugott 2003; Brinton and Traugott 2005)。MSMC(總共3472筆)涵蓋兩個來源：明清文本(MQT共957筆)包含戲文，而現代閩南語文本(MSMT共2515筆)則以民間故事和對話內容為主。根據MSMC的發現，本文認為多義詞「好」的歷史發展構成語法化現象的明證。這個論點可藉由語法方面的呈現，如詞彙語意、構式類別、句法位置和言談語境用法，搭配以下例句(1)-(6)來說明。
在明清時代，「好」主要當作形容詞(如謂語形容詞)，表示從客觀的判斷來對某個情況給予正面評價(即概念範疇「正面評價」)，如例句(1)。相較之下，在現代閩南語，「好」經歷五種不同程度的語法化過程。例證如(1)-(6)例句所示：

(1) [NP+Degree Adverb + HO2]: 只一枝花障好 (‘這枝花很好’); (2) NP (agent)+ [activity verb + HO2] + (ASP): 數千字文章寫好 (‘數千字的文章寫完’); (3) [HO2+transitive verb]: 阮的豆腐呼，特別好食 (‘我的豆腐啊，特別好吃’); (4) [NP(agent)+event 1+ HO2 +lai5+ event 2] : 大人較無閒好來照顧這个囝仔安呢 (‘大人比較沒空，可以來照顧這個小孩’); (5); [CLTopic+[HO2+NEG]ADV]: 阮查某子嫁你 好無 (‘我的女兒嫁給你好嗎’); (6) [HO2+(SFP)]: 好啊！攏賣我啊！(‘好啊！你們的房子和土地都賣給我’)

「好」作動相補語時，表示概念範疇「事件的完結」，用來標記主事者完成某個事件(如例句(2))。「好」在典型的中間結構[好+及物動詞]中當作程度轉化器，用來將動態性的行動轉換成靜態性的謂語，如例句(3)中：及物性行動動詞「食」至於「好」之後就被轉換成階層性的狀態。「好」作句子間的連結，標示句子之間的因果關係(即事件一和事件二)和相鄰事件發生的時間順序關係(如例句(4))。當「好」出現的句法位置在句末，並且以[句子主題+[好+否定詞]副詞]來呈現時，「好」可以作為問句標記表示疑問語態(如例句(5))。用於言談語境時，「好」更進一步虛化成「言談標記」，標示說話者對某個事件主觀的態度呈現(即概念範疇「說話者主觀的態度」) (如例句(6))。
和許多關於中文評價詞「好」hao的研究相較下(Miracle 1991; Biq 2004; Wang and Tsai 2005; Chen and Liu 2009; Wang et al. 2010)，閩南語評價詞「好」的歷史發展研究就相對被忽視(Cheng 1992; Lien 1994a; Tang et al. 1997; Chen 2003).。本文填補了這個文獻上的空缺：依照統計的結果 (即「好」和其相關構式所形成的實詞和虛詞功能的頻率)，本文提出語法化的觀點來說明「好」的歷史發展。本文認為奠基在閩南語文本的語料實證和語言學的證據，如「好」在語法結構的改變、語意的改變和例子和類型頻率的改變，「好」的語法化是可以加以證明的：也就是說，「好」反映了各種語法化的特點，如「單向性」、「新舊並存」、「去範疇化」、「語意延續」和「主觀化」 (Traugott and Dasher 2002; Hopper and Traugott 2003; Brinton and Traugott 2005)。

關鍵字

語法化 ； 評價詞 ； 主觀化 ； 頻率 ； 閩南語

並列摘要

This study aims to explore the multiple functions of the evaluative word HO2 ‘good’ and its related constructions (HO2-based constructions) in Taiwanese Southern Min (TSM) from the perspective of “grammaticalization” (GRAM), based on the in-depth examination of Modern Southern Min Corpus (MSMC) (Traugott and Dasher 2002; Hopper and Traugott 2003; Brinton and Traugott 2005). MSMC (3472 tokens) comprises the Ming-Qing texts (MQT) featuring play scripts (957 tokens) and the modern Southern Min texts (MSMT) featuring folktales and dialogues (2515 tokens). In the light of the findings in MSMC, this work suggests that the diachronic evolution of the polysemous word HO2 constitutes a bona fide example of GRAM in terms of grammatical aspects, viz., lexical properties, construction types, syntactic positions and discoursal contexts, evidenced by the following examples (1-6).
In the Ming-Qing era, HO2 served primarily as an adjective (e.g. predicative adjective), featuring a positive evaluation toward a situation via objective judgment (viz., POSITIVE EVALUATION (POS-EVA)), as in (1). In present-day Southern Min, HO2 has further undergone five grammaticalized stages. Let’s examine them one by one with illustrative examples, as shown in examples (1)-(6):

(1) [NP+Degree Adverb + HO2]: chi2 chit8 ki1 hoe1 chiong3 ho2 this one CL flower DEG good ‘This flower is very good.’; (2) NP (agent)+ [activity verb + HO2] + (ASP): soo3 chhian1-ji7 bun5-chiunn1 sia2-ho2 many thousand word article write PHASE ‘The thousands-of-words article is finished.’; (3) [HO2+transitive verb]: goan2 e5 tau7-hu7 hoon0, tek8-piat8 ho2 chiah8 my tofu SFP, especially good-eat ‘The tofu that I made is especially delicious!’; (4) [NP(agent)+event 1+ HO2 +lai5+ event 2] : toa7-lang5 khah4 bo5-eng5 ho2-lai5 chiau3-kou3 chit4 e5 gin2-a2 an1-ni5 adult more busy HO come take care this CL child this way ‘Since the adults bustle about farmland chores every day, they don’t have much time to take care of this kid.’; (5); [CLTopic+[HO2+NEG]ADV]: goan2 cha1-bou2-kiann2 ke3 li2 ho2-bo0 my daughter marry you good NEG ‘How about marrying my daughter?’; (6) [HO2+(SFP)]: ho2-a1! long2 boe2 goa2 a1 ok SFP all sell me SFP ‘Let’s seal the deal! Ok, I’ll take all of the houses and lands.’

HO2 is used as a phrasal complement (viz., COMPLETION (COM)) to signal the accomplishment of an event by an agent/actor, as in (2). HO2 functions as a degree converter in the typical middle construction [HO2+ transitive verb], where HO2 converts a dynamic activity to a static predicate, as in (3), in which the inherently transitive activity verb chiah8 ‘eat’ is turned into a scalar state when put after HO2. HO2 serves as a clausal connector to signal the cause-effect relationship of the combined clauses (viz., event 1 and event 2) and anchor a temporal sequence of two attendant events, as in (4). When the word HO2 takes on the postclausal position, realized in the syntactic template [CLTopic+[HO2+NEG]ADV], it emerges as a question marker featuring an interrogative mood, as in (5). In conversational context, HO2 further grammaticalized into a discourse marker, marking the speaker’s subjective attitude toward the situation evaluated (viz., EXPRESSIVITY (EXP)), as in (6).
Summarizing, compared with many other studies on the corresponding evaluative word hao in Mandarin (Biq 2004; Wang and Tsai 2005; Chen and Liu 2009; Wang et al. 2010), little attention has been paid to the diachronic evolution of the evaluation word HO2 in TSM (cf. Cheng 1992; Lien 1994a; Tang et al. 1997; Chen 2003). To bridge the gap, this paper offers a GRAM account, drawing on the the statistical results (viz., the frequency of lexical and grammatical functions of HO2-based constructions). Based on the empirical evidence of the data in MSMC and linguistic evidence such as changes in syntactic structures, semantic meanings and frequencies of token and type, it is evident that the GRAM of HO2 is attested: HO2 reflects various characteristics of GRAM such as unidirectionality, layering, decategorization, persistence and subjectification (Traugott and Dasher 2002; Hopper and Traugott 2003; Brinton and Traugott 2005).

並列關鍵字

Grammaticalization ； Evaluation ； Subjectification ； Frequency ； Southern Min

參考文獻

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