臺灣工時規管政策的政治經濟學分析

工時規管政策對於勞動市場的重要性，可從國際勞工組織所締結的公約數量與內容得知。臺灣的勞動基準法對於工時的規範，除了直接的規定外，也存有由勞工透過工會或勞資會議與資方進行協商的空間，然而臺灣的集體勞動關係的發展尚未臻成熟，因而在勞工權益的保障方面，就更仰賴勞基法對於個人勞動關係的規定。勞基法經過幾次修正，法定工時標準已接近於國際勞工組織的規範，但2016年實施的「一例一休」以及2018年的第二度修法，造成許多勞工抗爭，在勞基法修訂史上留下爭議。而在勞動市場中，資方、勞工與政府是重要的三個參與者，本文以James O'Connor（1973）與Joseph E. Stiglitz（2012）之主張為基礎，從新自由主義的政治經濟學架構，分析臺灣的勞資關係與工時規定演變的背景成因，提出我國勞動關係的問題與未來展望。

關鍵字

勞動基準法；工時；一例一休；新自由主義

並列摘要

The importance of working hours regulation and management policies for the labor market can be known from the number and content of conventions concluded by the International Labour Organization. In Taiwan's Labor Standard Law, in addition to the direct regulations for working hour limits, there are also spaces for labor to negotiate with employers through labor unions or works council. However, the development of collective labor relations in Taiwan has not yet matured. Therefore, in terms of the protection of labor right, it is more dependent on the Labor Standard Laws as the gatekeeper for labors. After several amendments, the standards of working hours are going close to the norms of ILO. However, the policy of one fixed and one flexible day off per week implemented in 2016 and the second revision of the law in 2018 caused many labor protests and was widely considered to be a bad law. Employers, labor and government are main participants in the labor market. According to the claims of James O'Connor (1973) and Joseph E. Stiglitz (2012), this paper analyzed the background of the labor relations and working hours regulations in Taiwan from the political economics framework of neoliberalism. Besides, by taking advantage of the German flexible working hours and deposited working hours accounts, the problems of Taiwanese labor market are explored. The future prospects are also proposed in the final part.