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  • 學位論文

傷心的本土華人世代:共構馬來西亞國立教育體制的不平等與種族政治

Disheartened Generation of Chinese Malaysian: Co-constituting the Racial Politics and Inequality of National Education System in Postcolonial Malaysia

指導教授 : 范雲
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摘要


馬來西亞解殖建國近六十年,種族爭議不曾間斷。尤其是教育制度的特殊優惠措施(affirmative action),劃分種族群體的公民權利,引致華人學生年復一年地透過華人媒體、政黨,控訴與抵抗國立升學體制。過往研究偏重討論歷史制度、教育政策與政黨政治,欠缺關注常民在種族爭議中扮演的能動角色與個人的敘事經驗、生命歷程。因此,本研究採取敘事認同(narrative identity)與認識論的實在(epistemological realities)的理論取徑,透過關係性的分析視角(relational approach),探討本土生長的華人世代如何敘說不公平的升學經歷,及其抵抗行動與階級不平等、種族政治的共構關係。 在經驗上,本研究關注兩個面向:第一,教育制度的優惠措施政策,如何影響華人學生對升學前景的想像,與升學的競爭實作?第二,面對申請國立大學挫敗的升學爭議,華人學生如何敘說不平等的個人遭遇與感受,以及如何捲入種族政治,控訴與抵抗國立教育體制的差異分配?在理論上,則以升學爭議作為理論個案,藉由敘事分析探討以種族為名的爭議與衝突如何不斷再製,及其如何反映行動者之間與歷史制度、文化敘事、抵抗行動的關係性?在方法上,本研究透過新聞報章、政治人物、非政府組織、部落格尋找捲入升學爭議的學生,並深度訪談35位華人學生,以及輔以分析自2000至2016年的新聞報章資料、升學論壇、升學資訊網站、與學生部落客的心得分享。 本研究發現分為三個面向:歷史制度、升學歷程與抵抗行動。第一,在歷史制度的面向,本研究指出當代的升學爭議是國立教育體制不平等與認同政治的共構結果,而不僅是教育體制的內部競爭結構問題:其一,自1950年代,國立教育體制延續殖民建國的社會契約,對華人造成文化與階級的雙重排除,致使當代華人陷入災難性的恐懼與憂慮的教育爭議,與計算種族群體差異的數字政治。其二, 自1990年代,馬來西亞受到新自由主義影響,推動教育私營化的政策改革,加劇「制度的族群區隔」,且與階級不平等相互交織。 第二,在升學歷程的面向,本研究提出「敘事想像的種族劃界」(racial boundary making of narrative imagination)的概念,指出華裔學生共享不信任國家的「陰謀論」與二輪競逐劃分種族群體的升學標準。在敘事想像的升學競賽中,華人學生為難自己、為難彼此,進而形塑華人打華人的妒恨共同體與劃分道德相對低落的馬來人群體。 第三,在抵抗行動的面向,本研究援用「顛覆敘事」(subversive stories)的概念,指出升學爭議是華人學生由下而上的抵抗行動,具有強化種族秩序、情緒與認同的社會後果,並將階級的鬥爭轉化為種族政治。這些華人學生透過公開與隱蔽的抵抗管道,以及挪用五種抵抗行動策略:「階層關係」、「匿名性」、「道德觀」、「政治利益」與「反對敘事」,挑戰升學體制,深刻反映本土華人世代與歷史制度、殖民建國社會契約的衝突與矛盾。 最後,在政策改革方面,本研究建議,國家與非政府組織正視本土華人世代的傷心情緒與對世代正義的渴求,以推動歷史教育改革與創造跨族群敘說和解的故事的民主運動空間。

並列摘要


Malaysia has been plagued by the racial conflicts for sixty years since independence. This research shows the social boundary among different racial groups, inherited from the British colonial rule, has been institutionalized and reinforced after implementing the ‘Affirmative Action’ in 1971. Instead of forging national unity, the ‘Affirmative Action’ leads to the unintended consequences: the co-constitution and reproduction of racial politics and inequality. In recent decades, numerous Chinese students openly against the admission result released from the national education system. By strategically employing the Chinese news medias and Chinese politicians, Chinese students gain the public attention and political leverage, which empower them to put pressure on the government to abolish the ‘Affirmative action’. Nevertheless, the previous studies focus exclusively on how the enforcement of ‘Affirmative action’ precludes Chinese students from obtaining the varsity admission, intermingling with the racial and class inequalities, rather than the resistance of micro-politics. Thus, this research attempts to reveal the relations between racial politics and class inequality within the social consequences of the ‘Affirmative action’, and how do the Chinese students interpret their failure to obtain the varsity admission and negotiate with the national educational institution demarcating the racial boundary. This research is based on in-depth interviews with 35 Chinese students graduated from national educational institution in Malaysia, and the textual analysis of newspaper articles, from 2000 to 2016, including Sin Chew Daily (星洲日報), Nanyang Siang Pau (南洋商報), Kwong Wah Yit Poh (光華日報), China Press (中國報), and Malaysiakini(當今大馬). Furthermore, this research collects and analyses the articles, postings, and information published on the internet, widely shared within the Chinese student’s social network, including the blog, social media, QuanSheng Forum (全升網), FSI Center (升學情報), and Cari Forum (佳禮論壇). Major findings are divided into three main parts: Firstly, under the rubric of national unity, the enforcement of ‘Affirmative Action’ preserve the economic and educational opportunity of Malays while the educational rights of Chinese students are institutionally excluded. More importantly, not only the ‘Affirmative Action’ inhibits the Chinese students from obtaining varsity admission as equally as Malays, but also it creates the unaffordable financial burden for the working-class Chinese students after the privatization of higher education and neoliberal reforms had started in the 90s. Secondly, I utilize Margaret Somers’s concept “narrative identity” and Molly Andrews’s concept “narrative imagination” to illuminate how do Chinese students imagine the injustice educational pathway for Chinese minority and telling the disheartening story of failing to obtain the first-choice university in terms of race. Additionally, I developed the term “racial boundary making of narrative imagination” to describe how the Chinese students doing the symbolic boundary-making along the social boundary demarcated by the ‘Affirmative Action’, positioning the Chinese students as the hardworking and independent minority and the Malay students as the lazy and dependent majority. Last but not the least, I employ the concept “subversive stories”, coined by Patricia Ewick and Susan Silbey, to elucidate how the resistance of Chinese students reinforce the racial politics and inequality which conceal the class struggles at the bottom of the working-class families. Moreover, I developed five theoretical terms including “playing with stratification”, “playing with political interest”, “playing with morality”, “playing with anonymity” and “playing with counter-narrative” to shed light on the relations between the microdynamics of race and macro-level structure of colonial legacy and racial politics. In other words, the storytelling of the Chinese students’ resistance reveals that how the 3Cs (Chinese students, news medias, and politicians) co-constitute the racial politics and how the native-born generation of Chinese is awakened to the racial injustice by the contemporary national educational system.

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