官僚、喇嘛、晉商與歸化城（1634-1911）：權力網絡的分析

清代的歸化城位於多種行政區與人群交疊之處，使得該城有著各式的權力網絡、以及網絡之間的複雜互動。這些網絡分別屬於不同的人群，並有著不同的結構、規範以及資源流動。本文採用了社會網絡分析的方式，著眼於個體與個體間產生連結的方式。這些連結成為了資源和權力流通的管道，並藉此連結成為規模更大的網絡。本文一方面從人與人、組織與組織間的連結方式，探索各種不同的連結如何帶來不同的可能性。更進一步從這些連結推論出個體在網絡中所面對的選擇、資源及其能動性，以及個體如何由此進一步改變網絡的結構。另一方面則藉由重構地方上不同網絡交織的樣態，分析清帝國作為一個多族群國家，如何以最少的資源來掌控其治下的多種族群。每張權力網絡都有其自身的規範，並由這些規範建立起內部的權力階層。由官員組成的清官僚權力網絡，以清朝的法規、典章和對皇帝的忠誠作為其基礎規範。這些規範讓清朝的官員們組成了一個階層式、有核心的權力網絡，以皇帝和軍機處等決策官僚作為核心，分成多個部門向外層層延伸網絡，權力亦由核心向外層層傳遞。清官僚網絡的人員有限，為了統治廣大的領土，多會選擇吸納當地既有的權力網絡領導者，要求其遵守清官僚網絡的規範，藉以間接控制該網絡。歸化城的不同網絡，依其各自的特性不同，和清政府有著不同形式的互動。該城的蒙古人直接被清政府納入駐防體系之下。而由商人們組成的行社網絡，則是透過祭祀連結起城中各行業的同業組織，位居網絡核心的十二行/十五社以大量的資源投注在祭祀活動中，並創造出城中專用的貨幣，以維持自身在城中的活躍度與公信力，藉此維繫整張網絡的凝聚力，並成為此處民人地方社會的領導者。當清政府選擇透過這些人來掌控該城商人時，他們成了連結兩張網絡的橋，以及清政府和城中商人雙方對彼此的代理人。他們必須付出更多的資源以同時滿足兩張網絡的規範，卻也因為獨佔了兩張網絡間資源流通的位置而得以獲取暴利。由喇嘛們組成的藏傳佛教網絡則是依靠神蹟、扎倉的課程和學位制度來形塑網絡內部的階級和權力流向。以西藏四大寺作為核心，越直接從該處取得學位者，在網絡中的地位就越高。與之相對的，前往四大寺求學者則需付出相當多的金錢與時間成本，才能獲得該處的學位。歸化地區地位最高的召廟是五當召，幾乎歷任呼圖克圖都曾直接從西藏取得學位。歸化地區的其他小型召廟，在沒有資源前往西藏的情況下，則得派喇嘛到五當召繳納學費並修習學位。清政府出現並將天下喇嘛編為九等職官後，使得這些小召廟有了不同過往的權力來源，其中一部分召廟選擇了將資源投注於理藩院，而非五當召或其他黃教大寺，然而在沒有特殊資源優勢的情況下，這些小型召廟因為彼此無止盡的軍備競賽進而導致過度借貸，而在清末紛紛破產，又或是在清朝滅亡後失去權力來源而衰亡。反而是同時向兩張網絡投注資源的部分召廟得以倖存。透過重建權力網絡、並以社會網絡的分析法運用在地方社會的研究上，本文得以呈現出史料未明言的面向，如個人所面對的社會環境、以及環境如何提供或限縮了個人的選擇、以及資源流向。

關鍵字

歸化城；多民族帝國；族群；漢化；社會網絡分析

並列摘要

Lay at the interaction of multiple political administrations and groups, Guihai City in the Qing period hosted diverse power networks that closely interacted with one and another. Belonged to different groups, each of these networks had its structures, regulations, and resources. Adopting social network analysis as the research method, this dissertation focuses on how individuals connected with others, forming channels to share and circulate resources and power, and developing large-scale networks. On the one hand, it explores the choices and resources available to individuals and their agency by studying the diverse possibilities brought by different interpersonal and inter-organizational connections. Furthermore, it examines how these possibilities enabled people to reshape a network’s structure. On the other hand, by reconstructing the interwoven networks in the local, this dissertation investigates how the Qing Empire managed diverse populations under its rule with minimal resources as a multi-ethnical empire. Each network followed its own regulations to build an internal power hierarchy. For the Qing bureaucracy’s power network composed of Qing officials, law, institutions, and loyalty to the emperor were the fundamental regulations. These regulations allowed Qing officials to form a centralized, hierarchal power network. Centered around the decision-making bureaucracy including the emperor and Grand Council, this network extends outward through different governmental departments, delivering power from the center to the periphery. To reign its extensive territory with the limited personnel of this bureaucratic network, the Qing government achieved indirect control over local networks by absorbing local leaders and requiring them to follow the Qing’s bureaucratic regulations. Based on their distinct characteristics, networks in Guihua City interacted with the Qing government differently. The Mongols in the city were incorporated into the Qing’s stationing system, while the guild network of merchants linked trade associations of different industries through worships. The Twelve Hang and the Fifteen She occupied the center of the latter network. They invested huge resources into the worship activities and created currency circulated only in the city to maintain visibility and public trust. By doing so, they enhanced the cohesiveness of the network and became leaders of local civil society. As the Qing government chose them to control merchants in the city, they became the bridge across two networks, serving as the agency for both the Qing government and merchants. They spent more resources to meet the regulations of both networks, however, they earned considerable profits by monopolizing the channel of resource flow between networks. Tibetan Buddhism network built by lamas relied on miracles, Datsan’s courses, and a degree system to forge internal hierarchy and power flow. For the network, the Great Four Monasteries of Tibet signified the highest symbolic value. Monks who received their degrees in these monasteries earned the highest statuses in the network. However, this also meant that they had spent a huge amount of time and money to earn the degree. For Wudang Monastery, the monastery with the highest status in the Guihua, almost every Khutugtus in its history had earned their degrees in Tibet. Other smaller monasteries in the region, lacking resources to travel to Tibet, could only send lamas to Wudang Monastery and pay tuitions for studying. However, these monasteries had an alternative source of power after the Qing arranged lamas into an official system of nine kinds. Some of the small monasteries allotted their resources for the Lifan Yuan instead of Wudang Monastery or other large monasteries of the Gelug School. However, without the advantage of having sufficient resources, these small monasteries fell into endless competitions against each other and over-borrowing. Ultimately, they went bankrupt by the end of Qing or declined due to the loss of power after the Qing fell. In contrast, some of the monasteries that had invested in both Qing and Tibetan Buddhism networks survived the empire’s collapse. This dissertation unravels the hidden information in historical records by reconstructing power networks through studying local society using social network analysis. It presents the social surroundings of individuals, as well as how the environment offered or limited individual’s options and control of resources.