本文從地緣政治的觀點,探討在美國「重返東亞」的亞太戰略之下,日本與中國在軍事與經濟的競爭。地理是影響區域衝突的重要因素,本文則以馬漢的海權和麥金德的陸權理論為分析途徑,將東亞視為日本與中國分別做為海權與陸權國家的競爭。探討中、日間的地緣政治戰略,不能忽略美國的因素。日本在第二次世界大戰後採吉田茂主義,在安全上仰賴美國與美日安保條約,因此美國的戰略和日本戰略是有一致性。美國重返亞太的軍事作為,對南海問題一改其過去所持的中立不介入的立場,採取更強硬的立場,強調航行自由,否定中國在南海的填海造陸,隱含著連結東亞國家制衡中國的意涵。在此脈絡下,身為區域次霸權的日本與追求大國利益的中國產生衝突。在軍事面向上,日本強化與美國的安保條約、防衛指針的變化、憲法第九條的修改、集體自衛權的解禁、釣魚台國有化等,都是其發展海權的具體表現。相對的,中國銳意發展上海合作組織、堅持對釣魚台的主張、積極促成人民解放軍的現代化等,則是陸權戰略的表現。 除此之外,兩國在經濟競爭上也可看出海權與陸權的不同。美國主導跨太平洋夥伴關係(Trans-Pacific Partnership, TPP)的戰略,日本除了尋求參與之外,另外也透過官方開發援助ODA(Official Development Assistance)以及安倍晉三首相的地球儀外交,強化和菲律賓、印度等國的連結,並隱然有圍堵戰略的意味。中國則除了參與東亞既有的區域組織如亞太經合會高峰會(APEC)與區域全面經濟伙伴關係協定(RCEP)之外,另外提出往歐亞大陸發展的「一帶一路」與「亞洲基礎建設投資銀行」等,深具陸權的特色。由這兩個層面來看,地理仍是決定中國與日本戰略的重要因素,兩國也將分別沿著陸權與海權的邏輯互動與競爭。
The thesis takes a perspective of geopolitics to discuss the military and economic rivalry between China and Japan since the United States’ pivot to Asia-Pacific region. Geography is taken to be an important factor that explains the recurrence of regional conflict. According to Mackinder’s and Mahan’s approaches to geopolitics, the competition between Japan and China is conceptualized as one between a sea power and a land power in East Asia. Furthermore, the discussion of geostrategic rivalry between China and Japan cannot ignore the factor of the United States. In this regard, Japan has since the end of the Second World War adopted the Shigeru Yoshida Doctrine, which makes Japan to rely on the United States for security under the Treaty of Mutual Cooperation and Security, thereby rendering a strategic consistency between the United States and Japans. The US return to East Asia, the tougher stance on the South China Sea issue, the emphasis on the freedom of navigation, and the denial of China’s land reclamation in the South China Sea imply that the US connecting with other East Asian countries to balance China. In this context, Japan as a second great power in the regional inevitably conflicts with China, which also pursues a great power position. In terms of military-oriented actions, Japan’s strengthening the Treaty of Mutual Cooperation and Security with the United States, the revision of the Defense Guidelines, the amendment of Article IX of the Constitution, the lifting the ban of collective self-defense, and the nationalization of the Senkaku (Diaoyu) Islands are concrete manifestation of its sea power development. In contrast, China’s role in developing and leading the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, its insistence on holding sovereignty over the Diaoyu Islands, and the active modernization of the People’s Liberation Army are instances of the land power strategy. In addition, the economic competition between the two also suggests the differences between sea power and land power. Japan not only seeks to take part in the US led Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP), but also strengthens its connections with the Philippines, India and other countries through the official development assistance (ODA) and Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s globe diplomacy. These all have the implication of containing China. On the contrary, China’s participation in the existing regional organizations such as the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation summit (APEC) and the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP), as well as the “One Belt and One Road” initiative and the “Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank,” clearly indicates the features of land power strategy. From these two aspects, it is suggested that geography is still an important factor determining the strategies of China and Japan, and the two countries will follow the logics of land and sea power respectively to interact and compete.