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摘要


本文提出「兩岸治理」與「兩岸三席」等學術新觀點,其目的在跨越現有的統獨論述及思考。本文除前言與結論外共分為四個部分。第一部分從理論面來探討現實主義、新自由主義、建構主義等三個國際關係理論作為促進兩岸和平理論的可議及可取之處。第二部分介紹「兩岸治理」的思維,除了陳述「治理」的概念及內涵、比較「兩岸治理」與「全球治理」的異同外,亦指出兩岸治理的提出是為建構一個跨越統獨的話語,開拓兩岸關係討論空間與深度,以求跨越傳統的「統治」模式思維。第三部分論述兩岸治理的基石,由分析兩岸基本政策從共識、歧異、趨近的過程,來論述「整個中國」的觀點將是未來「兩岸治理」得以開展的基礎。第四部分對於「兩岸治理」的實踐作出建議,認為兩岸統合的推動即是兩岸治理的實踐。在國際關係中的兩岸治理將是經由「兩岸三席」共同參與國際社會,在兩岸關係中的兩岸治理則是岸共同體的建立。「兩岸治理」有助於在兩岸重疊認同的建立。

並列摘要


This article proposes “cross-Strait governance” and “three seats across the Strait” in an attempt to make a breakthrough in current discourse on unification and independence. It contains four parts. The first part discusses theories from realism, neo-liberalism and constructivism and determines whether their approaches contribute to or detract from the gold of promoting peace across the Taiwan Strait. The second part introduces “ cross-Strait governance.” In addition to delineating the concept of “governance,” the author compares “cross-Strait governance” and “global governance,” and points out that “cross-Strait governance” is offered in an attempt to leap over unification/independence discourse. By doing so, the author opens space for discussion on cross-Strait relations, and makes a breakthrough in traditional “governmental rule” thinking. The third part elaborates on the foundation for cross-Strait governance. The author first analyzes developments in cross-Strait relation policies of China and Taiwan, and based on their divergence and consensus, argues that the concept of “whole China” should be the foundation of policy for the future. The last part focuses on “cross-Strait governance” practices. The author maintains that “cross-Strait governance” lies in the promotion of “cross-Strait integration.” In international practice, China and Taiwan should be granted three seats in international organizations, representing China, Taiwan, and the cross-Strait Community. “Cross-Strait governance” would help forge and overlapping identity among the people of China and Taiwan. Only when such an overlapping identity is formed can the two sides of the Taiwan Strait implement the political ideal that puts people's welfare at the top on the government agenda, which in turn would promote peace across the Strait.

參考文獻


蔡瑋 Tsai, George W.(1998)。從國際關係理論探討解決兩岸困境之道。中國大陸研究 Mainland China Studies。41(6)
莫大華 Mo, Ta-Hua(2002)。國際關係「建構主義」的原型、分類與爭論-以Onuf、Kratochwil和Wendt的觀點為分析。問題與研究 Wenti Yu Yanjiu。41(5)
盧業中 Lu, Yeh-Chung(2002)。論國際關係理論之新自由制度主義。問題與研究 Wenti Yu Yanjiu。41(2)
張亞中 Chang, Ya-Chung(2001)。全球治理:主體與權力的解析。問題與研究 Wenti Yu Yanjiu。40(4)
莫大華 Mo, Ta-Hua(2000)。國際關係理論大辯論研究的評析。問題與研究 Wenti Yu Yanjiu。39(12)

被引用紀錄


李中強(2017)。中共對臺文化戰略的解析(2008-2016):建構主義集體身分取向的觀點〔博士論文,淡江大學〕。華藝線上圖書館。https://doi.org/10.6846/TKU.2017.00438
吳順宏(2016)。從建構主義探討兩岸軍事互信機制之研究〔碩士論文,淡江大學〕。華藝線上圖書館。https://doi.org/10.6846/TKU.2016.00727
陳華凱(2013)。台海兩岸關係的後現代地緣政治文化新思維-台灣的觀點〔博士論文,淡江大學〕。華藝線上圖書館。https://doi.org/10.6846/TKU.2013.00852
吳 聲 銘(2010)。民進黨執政時期中國對台國際戰略之研究 (2000-2008)〔碩士論文,淡江大學〕。華藝線上圖書館。https://doi.org/10.6846/TKU.2010.00907
林毓婕(2010)。不平等結盟之履行:小布希政府對中華民國軍售〔碩士論文,淡江大學〕。華藝線上圖書館。https://doi.org/10.6846/TKU.2010.00013

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