Title

統戰的制度場域:青創基地與臺青的利益連結

Translated Titles

Institutional Fields of China's United Front Warfare: The Interest Link Between Youth Entrepreneurship Bases and Taiwanese Youth

DOI

10.6164/JNDS.201812_18(1).0004

Authors

曾于蓁(Jean Yu-Chen Tseng)

Key Words

海峽兩岸青年創業基地 ; 群際接觸理論 ; 統戰 ; 制度場域 ; 臺青 ; Cross-Strait Youth Entrepreneurship Base ; Intergroup Contact Theory ; United Front ; Institutional Field ; Taiwan Youth

PublicationName

國家發展研究

Volume or Term/Year and Month of Publication

18卷1期(2018 / 12 / 01)

Page #

111 - 146

Content Language

繁體中文

Chinese Abstract

習近平主政後,中共強化對臺灣的統戰力度。其中,兩岸青年創業(青創)基地政策的提出,就是一個代表。關於兩岸民眾的互動,過去文獻從群際接觸理論(Intergroup contact theory)來討論,認爲透過彼此的交流,能夠增加臺灣民眾對大陸的好感。本文進一步從制度的面向,爲這個論述進行補充。從理論的角度而言群際互動要發揮持久且顯著的效果,須有制度支持。本文所討論之青創基地即可視爲是一個制度場域,使赴陸臺灣青年(臺青)和中國大陸的經濟利益產生依賴與連結。從2016年開始,中共陸續於各省市建立青創基地,給予臺青創業資金與優惠政策補貼,藉以吸引其赴陸創業。換言之,中共希望透過青創基地的制度性運作,進一步強化對臺統戰的效果。政策實施至今,在吸引臺灣青年赴陸方面確實收到一定的效果,但本文也指出,由於中國大陸的中央與地方政府部門之間,欠缺協調整合,因此該政策在實際執行上出現許多問題,後續的效應與可能影響需長期觀察。

English Abstract

The policy of youth entrepreneurship bases is an example of how the Chinese Communist Party has stepped up efforts in its United Front warfare against Taiwan since Xi Jinping came to power. Past literature has largely viewed interaction between people on the two sides of the Taiwan Strait from the perspective of intergroup contact theory, focusing on the question of whether mutual exchange fosters a more favorable view of mainland China among Taiwanese. This study supplements existing research by examining the institutional aspect of this question. The author believes there must be an institutional mechanism that serves to ensure intergroup interaction has a lasting and significant effect. Youth entrepreneurial bases serve as such an institutional field by making Taiwanese youth rely on and establish a link with the interests of mainland China. Since 2016, the Chinese Communist Party has set up cross-Strait youth entrepreneurship bases, furnishing Taiwan youth with start-up capital and preferential treatment to encourage them to establish businesses in mainland China. The CPC hopes to further strengthen the effectiveness of United Front warfare against Taiwan through the institutional operation of youth entrepreneurship bases. This policy has indeed succeeded to a certain degree in enticing young people from Taiwan to mainland China. However, this paper points out that the policy is plagued by various problems due to a lack of coordination between central and local government departments in mainland China.

Topic Category 社會科學 > 社會學
社會科學 > 政治學
社會科學 > 法律學
Reference
  1. 玉嘉州(2015)。交流生共識?赴陸臺生統獨立場之變遷。東亞研究,46(1),1-33。
    連結:
  2. 玉嘉州(2012)。來臺陸生統一態度變遷初探-政治社會化途徑與定群追蹤法之分析。臺灣民主季刊,9(3),85-118。
    連結:
  3. 玉嘉州(2016)。短期來臺交流陸生之群際接觸與政治態度變遷初探。遠景基金會季刊,17(4),1-42。
    連結:
  4. 汪宏倫、張可(2018)。「RIP, 426」:解析「大陸地區旅台學位生」的國族經驗。政治與社會哲學評論,65,1-88。
    連結:
  5. 耿曙、曾于蓁(2010)。中共邀訪臺灣青年政策的政治影響。問題與研究,49(3),29-70。
    連結:
  6. 陳陸輝、耿曙、塗萍蘭、黃冠博(2009)。理性自利或感性認同?影響臺灣民眾兩岸經貿立場因素的分析。東吳政治學報,27(2),87-125。
    連結:
  7. 陳陸輝、陳映男(2016)。政治情緒對兩岸經貿交流的影響:以臺灣的大學生為例。選舉研究,23(2),55-86。
    連結:
  8. 曾于蓁(2015)。大陸對臺農漁採購政策變化:「契作」機制及其效果。問題與研究,54(1),95-128。
    連結:
  9. 關弘昌(2018)。臺灣青年世代統獨與兩岸經貿交流態度之探索。遠景季刊,19(2),1-40。
    連結:
  10. Allport, Gordon W.(1954).The Nature of Prejudice.Cambridge, MA:Addison-Wesley.
  11. Birney, Mayling(2014).Decentralization and Veiled Corruption under China's 'Rule of Mandates'.World Development,53,55-67.
  12. Clark, Cal(ed.)(2011).The Changing Dynamics of the Relations among China, Taiwan, and The United States.Newcastle upon Tyne:Cambridge Scholars Publishing.
  13. Davidson, L. E.(2015).Linked Without Linking: The Role of Mainland China's Taiwanese Students in Cross-Strait Unification.The ASIANetwork Exchange: a Journal for Asian Studies in the Liberal Arts,22(2),2-19.
  14. Dixon, J.,Durrheim, K.,Tredoux, C.(2005).Beyond the optimal contact strategy: A "reality check" for the contact hypothesis.American Psychologist,60,697-711.
  15. Dovidio, J. F.(ed.),Gaertner, S. L.(ed.)(1986).Prejudice, Discrimination, and Racism.Orlando, FL:Academic Press.
  16. ETtoday新聞雲(2018)。〈ET民調/ 52.6%網友想赴陸發展/其他媒體調查:年輕人都過半數〉。https://www.ettoday.net/news/20180309/1126716.htm。2018/7/20檢索。
  17. Fukuyama, Francis(1995).Trust: The Social Virtues and the Creation of Prosperity.New York:Free Press.
  18. Hodson, G.(ed.),Hewstone, M.(ed.)(2013).Advances in intergroup cantact.London, UK:Psychology Press.
  19. Keng, Shu,Schubert, Gunter(2010).Agents of Taiwan-China Unification? The Political Roles of Taiwanese Business People in the Process of Cross-Strait Integration.Asian Survey,50(2),287-310.
  20. Knight, Frank H.(1971).Risk, Uncertainty and Profit.Chicago:University of Chicago Press.
  21. Kuklinski, J. H.(ed.)(2001).Citizens and Politics: Perspectives from Political Psychology.New York:Cambridge University Press.
  22. Lau, Richard R.,Brown, Thad A.,Sears, David O.(1978).Self-Interest and Civilians' Attitudes Toward the Vietnam War.The Public Opinion Quarterly,42(4),464-483.
  23. Lieberthal, Kenneth(ed.),Lampton, David M.(ed.)(1992).Bureaucracy, Politics and Decision Making in Post-Mao China.Berkeley:University of California Press.
  24. O'Brien, K. J.,Diamant N. J.(2015).Contentious Veterans: China's Retired Officers Speak Out.Armed Forces and Society,41(3),563-581.
  25. Pan, Jiun-Nan,Huang, Jr-Tsung,Chiang, Tsun-Feng(2014).Empirical Study of the Local Government Deficit, Land Finance and Real Estate Market in China.China Economic Review,32,57-67.
  26. Pettigrew, T. F.(1998).Intergroup contact theory.Annual Review of Psychology,49,65-85.
  27. Pettigrew, Thomas F.,Tropp, Linda R.(2006).A meta-analytic test of intergroup contact theory.Journal of personality and social psychology,90(5),751-783.
  28. Sears, David O.,Hensler, Carl P.,Speer, Leslie K.(1979).Whites' Opposition to 'Busing': Self-Interest or Symbolic Politics?.The American Political Science Review,73(2),369-384.
  29. Sears, David O.,Lau, Richard R.,Tyler, Tom R.,Allen, Harris M.(1980).Self-Interest vs. Symbolic Politics in Policy Attitudes and Presidential Voting.The American Political Science Review,74(3),670-684.
  30. Sorace, Christian,Hurst, William(2016).China's Phantom Urbanization and the Pathology of Ghost Cities.Journal of Contemporary Asia,46(2),304-322.
  31. Tajfel, H.(1982).Social psychology of intergroup relations.Annual Review of Psychology,33,1-39.
  32. Thelen, Kathleen(1999).Historical Institutionalism and Comparative Politics.Annual Review of Political Science,2,369-404.
  33. Tsang, Steve(ed.)(2017).Taiwan's Impact on China: Why Soft Power Matters More than Economic or Political Inputs.Oxford:Palgrave Macmillan.
  34. Turner, J. C.(ed.),Hogg, M. A.(ed.),Oakes, P.J.(ed.),Riecher, S. D.(ed.),Wetherell, M.S.(ed.)(1987).Rediscovering the Social Group: A Self-categorization Theory.Oxford:Blackwell.
  35. Vezzali, L.,Stathi, S.(2017).Intergroup Contact Theory: Recent Developments and Future Directions.London:Routledge.
  36. Wang, Chia-Chou(2018).Cognitive Dissonance and Changes in External Political Efficacy: A Panel Study of Chinese Students Studying in Taiwan.Pacific Focus,33(1),34-57.
  37. Williams, Robin M., Jr.(1964).Strangers Next Door: Ethnic Relations in American Communities.Englewood Cliffs, N.J.:Prentice-Hall.
  38. Worchel, S.(ed.),Austin, L. W.(ed.)(1986).Psychology of Intergroup Relations.Chicago:Nelson-Hall.
  39. 人民網(2015)。〈國務院臺辦新設8個海峽兩岸青年創業基地和1個海峽兩岸青年就業創業示範點〉。http://tv.people.com.cn/BIG5/n1/2015/1223/c14657-27964483.html。2017/09/22檢索。
  40. 人民網(2018)。〈劉結一在首屆海峽兩岸青年發展論壇開幕式的致辭〉。http://tw.people.com.cn/n1/2018/0709/c14657-30134359.html。2018/7/30檢索。
  41. 中共中央臺辦、國務院臺辦(2018)。〈國臺辦:已設75個海峽兩岸青年就業創業基地和示範點發揮積極作用〉。http://www.gwytb.goo.cn/wyly/201805/t20180516_11955410.htm。2018/5/25檢索。
  42. 中國政府網(2015)。〈發展改革委舉行新聞發佈會介紹大眾創業萬眾創新活動周相關情況〉http://big5.gov.cn/gate/big5/www.gov.cn/xinwen/2015-10/13/content_2946036.htm。2018/6/20檢索。
  43. 中國新聞網(2014)。〈兩岸共築中國夢 未來在青年〉。http://www.chinanews.com/tw/2014/07-18/6402722.shtml。2016/08/30檢索。
  44. 中國臺灣網(2016)。〈臺灣青年來大陸創業都有哪些優惠政策?〉。http://www.taiwan.cn/chuangye/cyzx/201602/t20160216_11387596.html。2018/5/25檢索。
  45. 中國臺灣網(2017)。〈俞正聲:加強與臺灣基層一線和青年一代交往交流〉。http://www.taiwan.cn/local/yaowen/201703/t20170303_11713968.htm。2016/09/10檢索。
  46. 王嘉州、李侑潔(2012)。赴陸交流對臺灣學生統一意願之影響。社會科學論叢,6(2),1-34。
  47. 自由時報(2017)。〈臺灣人才前進中國 危及國安〉。http://m.ltn.com.tw/news/focus/paper/1129157。2018/5/25檢索。
  48. 吳伊凡、藍佩嘉(2012)。去中國留學:旅中台生的制度框架與遷移軌跡。臺灣社會學刊,50,1-56。
  49. 李允傑(2015) 。〈兩岸青年創業之比較與交流合作機遇〉。財團法人海峽交流基金會:http://www.sef.org.tw/ct.asp?xltem=922295&ctNode=4407&mp=1。2016/10/04檢索。
  50. 李欣宜(2017)。中國買台青 越玩越大。商業週刊,1552,78-97。
  51. 李欣宜、顏瓊玉(2016)。招聘740萬臺灣青年。商業週刊,1496,70-100。
  52. 邱莉燕(2018)。西進熱潮下的兩難抉擇,我該不該去大陸?。遠見雜誌,386,104-210。
  53. 高桂娟(2016)。〈「雙創」時代的創新創業教育:國內形勢與挑戰〉。http://www.360doc.com/content/16/0907/12/4806549_589042661.shtml。2017/09/24檢索。
  54. 國臺辦(2018)。〈劉結一在首屆海峽兩岸青年發展論壇開幕式上的致辭〉。http://www.gwytb.gov.cn/wyly/201807/t20180708_12033204.htm。2018/09/10檢索。
  55. 康育萍(2016)。中國總動員 搶臺灣實習生!。商業週刊,1503,98-119。
  56. 張永生(2014)。〈臺灣青年創業趨勢與需求探討〉。myMKC管理知識中心:http://mymkc.com/article/content/21942。2016/10/4檢索。
  57. 陳言喬(2017)。〈東莞青創挺380台青創業〉。聯合新聞網:https://www.1111boss.com.tw/winner/winner_News_Page.asp?id=10136。2016/08/11檢索。
  58. 曾于蓁(2008)。碩士論文(碩士論文)。臺北,政治大學東亞研究所。
  59. 辜樹仁、程晏鈴(2018)。習近平步步攻心。商業週刊,645,70-108。
  60. 黃暖雲(2017)。〈全球創業觀察-2018全球創業精神暨發展指數〉。臺北產經:https://www.taipeiecon.taipei/alticle_coat.aspx?MmmID=1205&MSid=746464526146634263。2018/07/27檢索
  61. 新華網(2015)。〈臺灣輿論關注大陸兩會開幕 聚焦青年交流等兩岸議題〉。http://news.xinhuanet.com/politics/2015lh/2015-03/04/c_1114523433.htm。2016/09/17檢索。
  62. 新華網(2016)。〈重要節點的重要宣示-解讀習近平兩岸關係最新講話〉。http://www.xinhuanet.com/politics/2016-03/21/c_128817559.htm。2018/6/20檢索。
  63. 新華網(2016)。〈第八屆海峽論壇專頁〉。http://www.fj.xinhuanet.com/zt/2016hxlt。2016/09/15檢索。
  64. 榮敬本、崔之元、王拴正、高新軍、何增科、楊雪冬(1998)。從壓力型體制向民主合作體制的轉變:縣鄉兩級政治體制改革。北京:中央編譯出版社。
  65. 管婺媛(2018)。中階人才西進 全面啟動 逐條拆解「中國惠台31條」。商業週刊,1583,66-86。
  66. 管婺媛(2018)。天然獨世代 搶刷中國履歷!。商業週刊,1607,43-58。
  67. 趙剛(2016)。〈從全球視野看中國「雙創」〉。壹讀:https://read01.com/xOzMSD.html。2016/10/02檢索。
Times Cited
  1. 歐陽城(2020)。從經濟治略視角分析兩岸經貿團體交流:以「兩岸企業家峰會」為例。遠景基金會季刊,21(2),115-166。