從民主治理探討台北市女性權益促進委員會之變遷(1996~2010年)

Exploring Democratic Governance: The Experience of the Taipei City Commission on the Promotion of Women's Rights

李文英(Wen-Ying Lee)

指導教授 ： 黃長玲

國立臺灣大學/社會科學院/政治學研究所/碩士(2011年)

https://doi.org/10.6342/NTU.2011.01649

摘要

台北市婦女權益促進委員會成立於1996年1月23日，是我國第一個婦女參與公共事務的官民合作機制，2005年更名為台北市女性權益促進委員會，至今已歷任三位民選市長，運作時間超過十五年。其執行成效如何，至今並沒有長期系統性的研究報告。
由於婦權會的出現與台灣婦女運動及民主化息息相關，因此，本研究將從民主治理的觀點，探討該委員會的角色與功能之變遷，透過訪談、會議記錄及個案分析三個層次的研究方式，了解性平政策推動情形，找出性別平權機制的限制與困境。
研究發現: (1)台北市婦權會從衝撞、磨合、到內化三階段，不受政黨輪替影響，體制化發展已穩固。(2)市長出席率對婦權會的影響遞減，不過郝市長出席率大幅降低，是否影響性別主流化的內化，或造成婦權會停滯於例行化階段，有待未來更多觀察。(3)民間委員的性別敏感度受到肯定，專業性無庸置疑。(4)婦權會民間代表逐漸多元，但受限於委員產生方式，代表性因此備受質疑。(5)行政部門對於婦權會的回應性越來越好，但受到後威權體制的影響，可能只是表面回應或消極回應而已。另外，大會紀錄已上網公開，資訊透明，但官員可隨時撤除專區網站，漠視婦權會決議。(6)由於研考會遲遲不願擔負考評責任，課責性備受批評，而婦權會本身也受到質疑，包括有權無責、有責無權或委員會無用論，面臨許多挑戰。亦即橫向課責或縱向課責都明顯不足。
針對婦權會在民主治理上的闕漏，本論文提出以下建議：(1)雖然市長出席與否對婦權會例行性運作影響不大，但是，市長及首長的政治意願還是會影響性別政策的深入與貫徹，所以婦權會應以提案方式要求首長親自出席大會；(2)新舊委員交接前應舉辦銜接會議，縮短新手摸索時間，也可補充委員的專業性；(3)性別影響評估及執行成效分析應以提案方式追蹤，增加互相回應的機會，以免流於形式；(4)設立專責單位可彌補橫向課責的不足，有利於追蹤考核婦權會決議；(5)婦權會民間委員應與議員結盟，增加橫向課責管道，加速性平政策落實；(6)定期舉辦婦女國是會議，擴大基層婦女參與機會，解決代表性不足的問題，也增加縱向課責機會。

關鍵字

台北市婦權會 ； 民主治理 ； 性別政策機制 ； 專業性 ； 代表性 ； 回應性 ； 課責性

並列摘要

The Taipei City Commission on the Promotion of Women's Rights established on January 23, 1996, is the first women’s policy mechanism consist of both the government and the NGOs in Taiwan. This commission has been operating for over 15 years and serving under three different mayors.
No study has been conducted to systematically review the long-term performance of the Taipei City Commission on the Promotion of Women's Rights. Since this gender policy machinery is significantly related to the women's movement and democratization in Taiwan, this study explores the democratic governance of the commission. By analyzing interviews and data from commission meetings, and through three case studies, this study investigates the limitations and challenges faced by the commission.
The findings of this study are as follows: (1) The Taipei City Commission on the Promotion of Women's Rights has experienced initialization, institutionalization, and routinization. Party change in the city government did not interrupt the institutionalization process. (2) Mayoral attendances to the commission’s general meetings have decreased. (3) The professionalism of this commission is appreciated, because of the gender sensitivity of its civic members. (4) The civic members of the commission are invited by the mayor and the diversity of the members has been considered. (5) Although bureaucratic responsiveness has improved, the potential to be perfunctory remains. Documents and records of the general meetings can usually be found on the Internet; however, officials still retain the power to remove the Website without consulting the commission. (6) The commission is severely criticized for lacking horizontal and vertical accountability.
Regarding the commission’s insufficient democratic governance, we make the following recommendations: (1) Because the political wills of the mayor and bureau heads are crucial for implementing gender equality policies, civic members should insist that the mayor and bureau heads attend general meetings. (2) Orientations for new commission members must be conducted to facilitate smooth transition. (3) Gender impact assessment and implementation effectiveness of policies should be traced by the commission to ensure policy responsiveness. (4) A bureaucratic unit fully dedicated to making and supervising the implementation of gender equality policies should be established. (5) Civic members of the commission should collaborate with the Taipei City councilors to accelerate the implementation of the gender equality policies. (6) An annual meeting for all women should be held to increase women’s political participation and representation, and to improve vertical accountability for gender equality policies.

並列關鍵字

democratic governance ； gender policy machinery ； professionalism, ； representativeness ； bureaucratic responsiveness ； accountability

參考文獻

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