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  • 學位論文

以動態觀點檢視我國政府穩定性之研究

The Research of Governmental Stability of Taiwan with a Dynamic Perspective

指導教授 : 陳明通
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摘要


2000年3月18日的總統大選,民進黨候選人陳水扁以39.3%的得票率勝選,完成我國政治史上首度政黨輪替。當時的立法院,民進黨的席次不到總席次的三分之一,國民黨卻仍在國會擁有過半數席次,陳水扁成為我國第1位與立法院多數黨不同政黨的總統,他既不能解散國會,亦不願與在野政黨「共治」,而是透過主導閣揆等人事以掌控中央政府的行政權,台灣的「半總統制」因而邁入史無前例的「分立政府」 (divided government) 狀態。2004年總統大選陳水扁繼續連任,依然維持分立政府的局面,直到2008年,繼1月12日立法委員選舉國民黨囊括7成席次後,3月22日的總統大選,國民黨候選人馬英九復以58.4%的得票率獲勝,才正式宣告為期 8年的分立政府走進歷史。 本文研究的主要目的,即建構政府穩定性及違憲審查之假設作為政府穩定性的分析工具,分析我國2000年至2008年分立政府時期,及1988-2000、2008年5月20日至今的一致政府時期,在不同時期的政府型態對政府穩定的影響程度,以重新檢視傳統研究僅著重於制度靜態面及憲政運作的分析,而忽略憲法規範及憲政運作二者之間所可能產生的差異距離大小對政府穩定之影響,以動態的觀點補強既有文獻論述不足之處。 本研究認為政府穩定性,應從憲法規範及憲政運作兩個構面加以觀察,並提出影響憲政運作的四項變數:政黨體系多寡、府會關係一致與否、社會危機高低程度及總統權力大小。從這四項變數彼此之間的互動,所形成的差異距離大小,觀察各個不同情境的排列組合之動態變化。進而依照兩構面、四變數建構政府穩定性假設,依彼此間的互動關係計算差異距離之數值變化,從而進行政府穩定的跨國性比較。再者,本研究認為憲法規範及憲政運作二者之間的落差,常由憲政秩序的守護神-司法院大法官透過違憲審查的機制,調控脫軌的憲政。藉由憲政慣例的建立、大法官釋憲的詮釋、憲法規範的修改與憲政實際的運作,形塑我國特有的「雙元民主半總統制」。在這種憲政體制運作之下,重新商榷在即有的違憲審查體系,面對「政府崩潰關鍵時期」,有無可能創設「主動違憲警告」的法理?

並列摘要


Chen Shui Bian, the DPP candidate (Democratic Progressive Party) won the Presidential Election on 18 March 2000 with a 39.3 percent of vote which makes the first political party transition in the history. At that time, the DPP represented less than one third of the total seats in Legislative Yuan (National Assembly) whereas the Kuomintang took more than half of the total seats. Chen Shui Bian became the first President of the country whom belonged to other party than the majority of the Legislative Yuan. He was unable to dismiss the National Assembly and refused a joint governance with the opposite party. In fact, he ruled the central government through the control of the executive right in the Prime minister assignment and the subordinate personnels. The semi-presidential system of the country came to an unprecedented situation of the history, a Divided Government. Chen Shui Bian won again the Presidential election in year 2004, and the country governance maintained with a Divided Governance until 2008 when Kuomintang garnered 70 percent of total seats in Legislator election on 12 January and that Ma Ying-jeou, the Kuomintang candidate won the Presidential election on 22 March with 58.4 percent of votes which also marked the end of the Divided Governance that lasted for eight years. The purpose of this thesis is to analyze the stability of a government based on assumptions of structuring the stability of government and constitutional review. The study focuses on the period of Divided Government from year 2000 to 2008 and the periods of Unified Government from year 1988 to 2000 and from 20 May 2008 up to now. The influence of governmental status on the stability is examined for the different periods in order to reinforce the study from a dynamic perspective, as former studies mostly focuses on the static side of the system and the analysis of constitutional operations, but disregards the difference occurred between Constitutional regulations and Constitutional operations which might impact the stability of the government. The study observes the government stability from two perspectives, Constitutional Regulations and Constitutional Operations and proposes four variables that influence the Constitutional Operations: the number of political parties, the conformity between the cabinet and the assembly, the level of social risks and the Presidential Power. Different scenarios can be observed from dynamic variances formed by the interaction between the four variables. The government stability assumptions can be built based on the two perspectives and four variables, and the numeric variance can be calculated according to the interactions. And, a transnational comparison on government stability will be conducted. Furthermore, the study finds that the difference between Constitutional Regulations and Constitutional Operations is often corrected by the guardian of the Constitutions, Justices of the Constitutional Court, with Constitutional Review system. The Constitutional convention, Interpretations of the Constitutions, amendments of Constitutional Regulations and Constitutional Operations form a “Dual democratic semi-presidentialism” which is specific to Taiwan. It is crucial to examine the feasibility of an “automatic warning system of constitutional violation” when the government is confronting with “collapse risk”, under the existing Constitutional system of Taiwan.

參考文獻


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