台灣閩南語「有」的格式探索

本論文探討台灣閩南語「有」的各式格式，其中包括以「有」為中心語加綴於光桿名詞而形成的形容詞、表示習慣的句式以及表複數動量的中間格式（Lien 2006），旨在釐清多重語義間的共性。並且以格式語法為指導原則，指出語義延伸與格式和詞義的互動關係密不可分（Fillmore et al. 1988, Goldberg 1995, 2003, Jackendoff 1997, and Lien 2002）。同時，我們也從語法化理論的觀點探討「有」的多重語義，說明共時並存的語義事實上構成同一語法鍊上的不同階段（Hopper and Traugott 1993, Bybee, Perkins, and Pagliuca 1994 and Heine 1997）。我們解析台灣閩南語「有」的基本概念結構為指涉某內容之存在與某經驗者或空間之間的密切關聯，句法上分別體現為「有」的賓語和主語。其概念定義包含有限的語義成分，影響語義延伸特別重要的兩點是靜態義與無界性。這兩個特性—或更具體言之，泛型和無界的多數性—捕捉了「有＋bare N」、習慣句式以及複數動量中間格式之間的共性，三者分為以張个真有經驗、張个有(佇)食薰和此款衫真有穿為例。此外，我們針對張个走有三工阿和張个今年才趁有錢（表層結構看似皆為「NP＋V＋有＋NP」）兩種句式詳加討論；發現兩者事實上具有不同的格式意義，但過去卻經常被誤析為一體的兩面。我們認為前者體現XP, [有＋量詞片語]，後者則為NP＋Vt＋有＋(補語)的格式。最後再從語法化的角度討論「有」的語義延伸，指出多項語義之間彼此相互關聯，構成從「擁有」到「情態」甚至到「詞綴功能」同一語法鍊上的各個階段。本論文的討論支持了語義延伸為詞義與格式之間互動關係的結果之觀點。此一分析手法不僅有效地解釋多義詞語義延伸的脈絡，更讓我們簡約詞義描述，並且釐清各項義位的關係，研究所得甚可做為語言的對比研究。

關鍵字

閩南語；有；格式語法；語法化

並列摘要

This thesis is concerned with a number of constructions featuring u7 有 ‘have’ in Taiwanese Southern Min (henceforth TSM), including adjectives formed by u7 有 + bare N, simple habitual constructions as well as plurational middles (Lien 2006). It aims to tease out the common thread that links the various uses of u7 有 and to show that semantic extension is properly accounted for by taking into consideration construction types in addition to lexical properties, based on the assumptions of construction grammar (Fillmore et al. 1988, Goldberg 1995, 2003, Jackendoff 1997, and Lien 2002). The diverse senses of u7 有 are also examined from the perspective of grammaticalization and shown to represent different stages of one and the same grammaticalization chain (Hopper and Traugott 1993, Bybee, Perkins, and Pagliuca 1994 and Heine 1997). The conceptual structure of u7 有 in TSM is established as coding the relation where the existence of an object bearing the thematic role of content concerns the subject referent bearing the thematic role of experiencer or location. It is defined in terms of a finite set of semantic features, stativeness and atelicity in particular. The notions of genericity and unbounded plurality enable us to capture the commonality among three unique constructions featuring u7 有, viz. adjectives formed by u7 有 + bare N, simple habitual constructions and plurational middles, exemplified in Tiunn1-e chin1 u7 keng1-giam7 張个真有經驗 ‘John is very experienced’, Tiunn1-e u7 (ti7) chiah8 hun1 張个有(佇)食薰 ‘John smokes’, and Chit4 khoann2 sann1 chin1 u7-chheng7 此款衫真有穿 ‘These clothes are quite durable’ respectively. In addition, we have made clear that the two sentence types, exemplified by Tiunn1-e tsau2 u7 sann1-kang1 a 張个走有三工阿 ‘It’s been three days since John left’ and Tiunn1-e kin1-ninn5 chiah4 than3-u7 chinn5 張个今年才趁有錢 ‘John hasn’t made a profit until this year’, instantiate separate construction templates, i.e. XP, [u7 有 + Measure Phrase] and NP + Vt + u7 有 + (complement), but have long been mistaken as close counterparts. Moreover, the semantic extensions of u7 有 are reconsidered from a grammaticalization perspective. They are shown to be intimately related and in fact represent different stages of one and the same grammaticalization chain from possession to modality (and to affix). The discussion of a wide range of constructions featuring u7 有 supports the view that semantic extension goes along with the ways in which lexical properties of a given word interact with the construction templates it takes on and that a construction-based approach to semantic analysis helps to attain a simplified lexical description as well as a unified account of lexical polysemy.

並列關鍵字

Taiwanese Southern Min ； have ； construction grammar ； grammaticalization

參考文獻

Cheng, Ying. 2004. Lun han yu you de yu fa hua (On the grammaticalization of ‘have’ in Mandarin). Yu Wen Xue Bao 11: 163-202. National Hsinchu University of Education, Taiwan.

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台灣閩南語「有」的格式探索

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