從無聲到有聲—論《婦友》雜誌中參政女性的主體性

From Muffled to Amplified—A Discourse on the Political Woman's Self-Subjectivity in the "Fu Yo" Magazine

施碩佳(Shuo-Chia Shih)

指導教授 ： 林芳玫博士

國立臺灣師範大學/文學院/台灣文化及語言文學研究所/碩士(2008年)

摘要

解嚴之後臺灣女性的參政空間逐漸擴大，這是因為從戒嚴時期開始，女人就已經努力爭取參政空間，她們的言行的確服膺黨國政策，但更細緻的部分是內含了女性的主體意識，解嚴只是一個使女性主體明顯化的契機。所謂的主體意識是指她們在服從黨國的前提下同時抵抗父權的表現，因此解嚴之後的參政女性才能以看似突然，實際上是延續前人努力的軌跡而繼續拓展女性的政治空間。本論文以國民黨官方雜誌《婦友》中所報導的參政女性為研究對象，認為女性參政時的主體性建構歷程是動態且連續的。

根據本論文研究結果發現，在這個動態的連續性歷程中，女性逐漸在教育及經濟上取得優勢，女性參政呈現五項變與不變的特色。逐漸改變的特色有下列三者：（一）、參政與女性在私領域的責任是互斥的，兩相取捨之下女性仍以私領域的事務為主；取得優勢後私領域不再是她們的唯一，她們開始在家庭與工作之間找尋新的平衡點。（二）、對婦女來說，婦女保障名額和女性特質是她們參政時的優勢，能夠稍微彌補政治／社會中的性別劣勢；但是當女性想突破更多侷限時，這些優勢反而成為限制，因此她們必須找尋更多證明自我的條件，並與這兩項條件相互配合。（三）、為了證明女人是有能力的，所以認同女性／自己是必然結果。特別是女人越想找尋證明自己的方法，對於臺灣的認同感也會加深，因為臺灣是她們展現能力的地方，政見內容也呈現在地化和細緻化，相較之下戒嚴時期的參政女性政見內容就籠統多了。

參政女性一直沒有改變的本質有：（一）、她們與家庭的關係密不可分。戒嚴時期的國民黨運用「家天下」的統治策略穩固權力核心，婦女即使參政也必須背負家的責任；解嚴之後，參政女性已具備更多的專業與能力，但在參選或工作時仍然得維持兼顧家庭與工作的理想形象，這是為了降低社會大眾對女性參政的負面想法。不論戒嚴或解嚴，這些女性仍無法突破家庭與女性之關連性的迷思。（二）、重視女性特質仍是女性拓展參政空間的首選方式。獲得民眾的認同是從政的不二法門，解嚴前後的參政女性不論具備多少過人的優勢，她們仍會以自己的女性特質為訴求，讓民眾了解女性特質之於政治場域的必須性。

總結來說，國族脈絡下的女性參政並非黨國的傳聲筒，她們隱約的想要找尋屬於女性的道路，解嚴之後的去國族化使得她們獲得更多共鳴和支持。

關鍵字：想像的共同體、新父權、婦女參政、宋美齡、性別政治、國族與婦女

關鍵字

想像的共同體 ； 新父權 ； 婦女參政 ； 宋美齡 ； 性別政治 ； 國族與婦女

並列摘要

The room for Taiwanese women to participate in politics has gradually expanded after the lifting of Martial Law because women have been striving for it since the Martial Law Period. They indeed bore in mind the policy of their party-state while practicing their words and deeds, but more specifically, they had already held the female subject consciousness in store. The lifting of Martial Law was merely a juncture of the externalization of female subjectivity. Subject consciousness namely is the behavior of these women’s rebellion against patriarchy while at the mean time being submissive toward party-state. Thus, although the gaining of the female political participants’ ability seemed sudden post Martial Law, it actually was the labor fruit of many predecessors’ endeavor to push the limit of female political space. This discourse bases the study subjects on the female political participants reported in the official KMT journal “Fu-yo” and considers the progress of subjectivity construction while women participating in politics fluid and continuous.

This study shows that during the fluid and continuous process, women have started to gain advantages in educational and economical aspects. The political participation of female presents five consistent and changing features, among them, there are three gradually evolving qualities. To begin with, political participation and female personal responsibilities go against each other and women still were focusing on their personal responsibilities after weighing pros and cons. However, they started to find a balance between the two after gaining these advantages. Second, female gender quotas and feminine qualities can compensate the gender disadvantages in politics or society, but at the time, these advantages are also limitations when women try to tear down political barricades. Hence, they need to find more reasons to prove themselves and also coordinate these twin aspects. Third, identifying with female or self is a natural result when trying to prove women’s capacity and aptitude, the more these women try to prove themselves, the more they identify with Taiwan because this is their political arena. The content of their political view was also more localized and specified comparing to the Martial Law period’s vague and general political view.

On the other hand, there are two consistent qualities in the political participation of female. First, women and their family have a strong tie. KMT utilized the ruling strategy of “home-state” to stabilize their power so even women who participate in politics had to share the responsibilities of their household. Post Martial Law, female political participants were more equipped with professional abilities but still needed to maintain the ideal imagery of balancing work and family to minimize the negative public opinions about the political participation of female. These women still couldn’t break the myth of family-female relationship. Secondly, the best way to expand the political space for female was still to emphasize feminine qualities. The foolproof strategy to participate in politics was to gain public trust, and no matter how many advantages a female political participants had, they would still appeal to their feminine qualities to educate the general public about its importance in the political arena.

In conclusion, female political participation under the influence of nationalism was not merely a megaphone of the party-state. They faintly wanted to find a way for female, and the denationalization post Martial Law allowed them to gain more support and feedback.

Key words：magined communities, new patriarchy, female political participation, Soong Mei-ling, gender politics, nationalism and women

並列關鍵字

magined communities ； new patriarchy ； female political participation ； Soong Mei-ling ； gender politics ； nationalism and women

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