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摘要


基於工會法第四條規定:「各級政府行政及教育事業、軍火工業之員工,不得組織工會。」我國教師因此長期無法成立工會,也進而爭取完整的勞動三權。 自從教師法公佈實施以來,教師可依教師法組織教師會,看似對於教師結社權已有一定之保障。但是一般結社權與勞動三權中之團結權並不能劃上等號,所以近年來,全國教師會便一再主張「開放教師組工會及罷教權」之訴求。 而教育主管機關及家長團體一直以來也都以「學生學習權受侵害」,作為阻止開放教師組工會及罷教權的理由,故教師組織就在學習權與憲法第二十三條公共利益的迷思下,使得最基本組工會的權利被剝奪了。 本研究試從教師罷教權之正當性基礎分析;美、英、日等先進國家教師罷教經驗之檢視;教師罷教權之運作模式;我國教師實施教師罷教權之可能困境;教師罷教權實施之可能途徑等面向,來討論教師應有組工會及罷教權之基本人權。 本文得出幾項結論:教師罷教權有正當性基礎;罷教權的賦予及罷教之實施,有其歷史意義及人權意涵;實施罷教權,有一定嚴謹的運作流程,發動罷教並不如外界想像的容易。 本文建議:為了兼顧社會輿論與教師人權,可分段開放罷教權;教師罷教權的實施應考慮「學生受教權」及「兼顧公共利益」;可將罷教權之議題透過修法途徑催生;也可結合選舉,提倡罷教議題公投,或是訂定教育政策公投法,讓教育議題可以透過公投方式,聆聽關心教育之國民的看法;或是透過聲請釋憲的程序,加速國會正視教師罷教權之議題;修改教師法及工會法,開放複數教師組織之多元化發展。 若未來教師組工會及罷教權能開放,可說是我國人權教育進步、校園威權解禁的一大重要里程碑。

並列摘要


National Taiwan Normal University Graduate Institute of Political Science Title of Thesis:A Study of the Feasibility of Teachers’ Strike Right in Taiwan Student :Li-Chiu Yu Advisor:Wen-Cheng Chen Ph.D. Abstract: According to Article 4 of the Trade Union Law, teachers, government employees, and workers in munitions factories are prohibited from organizing unions. Thus, teachers in Taiwan are not allowed to organize Teachers’ Union, not even to fight for the Three Basic Labor Rights. Teachers are allowed to form Teachers’ organization since Teachers’ laws was implemented. It seems teachers’ rights to organize have been protected. Though normal organization rights do not equal to rights to share Three Basic Labor Rights. Thus, the National Teachers’ Association keeps claiming to release Teachers’ Union and strike right. The authority and parents’ group try to interfere to release Teachers’ Union and strike right for the reason of invading the right of students’ learning. Underneath the myth of learning right and the public interests of the Constitution Article 23, teachers are deprived of the basic right to organize Teachers’ Union. This research tries to analyze the legitimacy of teachers’ strike right, including the inspection of teachers’ strike in America, England, and Japan. The mode, predicament, and potential accesses of performing teachers’ strike are discussed. From the aspects above, the basic human rights of organizing Teachers’ Union and teachers’ strike right are discussed. In conclusion, this thesis claims that teachers’ strike right has its legitimacy from the perspectives of historic significance and human rights. The Study emphasizes that it is not easy to launch a strike, it requires a cautions process which is based on deliberative discuss. In consideration of public opinion and teachers’ right, this thesis suggests releasing teachers’ strike right step by step. Children’s right to study and public interests should be considered. The issue of teachers’ strike can be produced by revising the Constitution, or by promoting the referendum with elections. We can set the referendum of educational policy, listening to citizens who care about education. To urge Parliament to look at the issue, modifying teachers’ laws and unions laws, releasing pluralistic development of teachers’ organizations by filing a plead for interpreting the Constitution. If teachers’ right to strike could be liberated, it would be an important milestone of human right education and liberation of capus authoritarianism. Key words:Teachers’ organization, the Three Basic Labor Rights, Teachers’ Union, Teachers’ strike right

參考文獻


黃嘉晉(2007),《我國教師勞動基本權開放與限制之研究-兼論我國教師依工會法組織工會應有之配套措施》,淡江大學公共行政所公共政策碩士班碩士論文,未出版。
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被引用紀錄


陳姵諠(2016)。我國教師團體協商事項研究-以公立中小學為例〔碩士論文,國立臺灣大學〕。華藝線上圖書館。https://doi.org/10.6342%2fNTU201602788

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