上海四歲兒童在華語子音，母音及聲調上的聲學表現

Acoustic realization of consonants, vowels and tones in Mandarin by 4-year-old Shanghainese children

10.6842/NCTU.2011.00113

林郡儀

聲學 ； 習得 ； 華語 ； 捲舌音 ； 母音空間 ； 聲調 ； acoustic ； acquisition ； Mandarin ； retroflex ； vowel space ； tones

交通大學外國語文學系外國文學與語言學研究所學位論文

2011年

碩士

賴郁雯

英文

本研究旨在探討上海四歲兒童對於華語之子音、母音及聲調之聲學表現，並討論第一語言對第二語音習得之可能影響。本研究採用了跨語音音韻遲緩八十個目標字詞包含了華語的各個音段及主要結構，在不同字詞出現至少兩次，不同聲調出現至少一次。所有發音由一位實驗者轉寫紀錄，另外聲學分析可確認兒童是否念出了目標字詞。聽音轉寫的結果包含了九種錯誤： (1) 非捲舌音發成捲舌音 (2) 捲舌音發成非捲舌音(3) 以其他音代替正確的音 (4) 鼻音混淆， (5) /h/ 錯誤， (6) /tɕh, tɕ, ɕ/ 混淆， (7) 母音混淆， (8) 聲調錯誤，以及 (9) 其他少見之錯誤。 本研究的聲學分析只包含了錯誤最多的捲舌音、母音以聲調的表現。 實驗結果顯示，有聲捲舌音的F3在正確發音時，如預期的出現了下降的現象，但在錯誤發音時就沒有F3下降的情形。另外在無聲捲舌音的結果顯示，當捲舌音在單元音(/i/, /e/, /u/)及VN (/en/)之前，F3下降的情形也只會出現在正確的發音，錯誤發音時則無此情形。 但有趣的是，當捲舌音後面接了雙元音(/ua/, /ou/)或VVN (/uaŋ/)時，F3下降的情形會同時出現在正確及錯誤的發音。頻譜動差M1-M4的結果顯示捲舌音的M1和M2的值比非捲舌音的值還要低。而M3和M4的值在捲舌音的情況下高於非捲舌音。在母音空間的聲學表現上，上海兒童的母音空間比上海及華語成人的母音空間小。由於上海成人的母音空間比華語成人的母音空間還小，因此上海兒童較集中的母音空間被推測為是受到第一語言的影響。在聲調方面，Jongman(1989)的結果顯示，華語成人三聲和二聲的聲調時長是最長的，四聲最短，在此篇研究結果，上海兒童在聲調時長和F0曲線上的表現在華語成人一樣。總結來說，實驗結果顯示上海兒童的發音同時受到一般普遍性發展及第一語言的影響。

This study examined the phonetic realization of 4-year-old Shanghainese children in Mandarin tones, consonants and vowels and the possible effect of their first language (Shanghainese) on their second language (Mandarin). 80 target words contain each segment, major word structure at least twice in different words and tone sequences at least once. The production data were transcribed as misarticulated or not by one experimenter and the acoustic analysis was further conducted to make sure that the subjects read the target words. Results of transcription included nine errors: (1) Non-retroflex were produced as retroflex, (2) Deretroflexion, (3) Substitution, (4) Nasal confusion, (5) /h/ substitution, (6) /tɕh, tɕ, ɕ/ confusion, (7) Vowel confusion, (8) Tone confusion, and (9) Others. Only retroflex, vowels and tones were included in the acoustic analysis. The result of F3 in voiced retroflex consonants indicated that F3 dipping was found in correct pronunciation, but not in incorrect pronunciation for three different rhymes (VVN, VV, V). Results indicated that F3 dipping was found in correct pronunciation, but not in incorrect pronunciation for retroflexes precede V (/i/, /e/, /u/) and VN (/en/) rhymes. However, F3 dipping was found in correct as well as incorrect pronunciation of retroflex precedes VV (/ua/, /ou/) and VVN (/uaŋ/) rhymes. By measuring M1-M4 of retroflexes, the result of M1-M4, M1 and M2 value of correct pronunciation (retroflex) is significantly lower than that of incorrect pronunciation (nonretroflex). M3 and M4 of correct pronunciation is higher than that of incorrect pronunciation. The vowel space of Shanghainese children was found narrower than that of Shanghainese and Mandarin adults. Given the fact that Shanghainese vowel space is found narrower than that of Mandarin's, narrower vowel space of Shanghainese children is postulated that because of the effect of L1 transfer to L2. The adult norm for tone duration is T3/T2 longer than T1, and T4 is shortest (Jongman, 1989), and Shanghainese children show the similar pattern. These children managed to utilize F0 cue and duration cue. In conclusion, results indicated that children's production was influenced by universal constraint and L1 background.

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