東亞民眾的制度不信任感及其政治回應行為

Political Responses to Distrust in Institutions: A Perspective from East Asia

湯晏甄(Yen-Chen Tang)

指導教授 ： 朱雲漢教授

國立臺灣大學/社會科學院/政治學研究所/博士(2014年)

https://doi.org/10.6342/NTU.2014.00134

摘要

當民眾的制度信任感降低時，會產生什麼樣的政治行為來回應這個令他失望的政治環境？這是本文的問題意識。不同於以往相關研究個別採用結構論、理性選擇理論，以及文化論的分析途徑，而得到分歧的研究成果。本文嘗試共同採用此三大理論架構進行檢視，藉以捕捉「結構與個人行動」的複雜關係。本文援引Hirschman（1970）的「退出、發聲，與忠誠」理論，重新修正後作為本文的行為理論架構。本文使用「亞洲民主動態調查」第三波調查資料進行實證分析。研究結果顯示，制度信任感確實會影響政治回應行為。在自由民主政體，制度信任感低的民眾，傾向政治冷漠；在選舉民主政體，制度信任感低的民眾，傾向積極的「發聲」行為。造成此差異的主要原因在於，在自由民主政體，民主是普世價值的前提下，民主制度已經盡可能提供公民權以及好的治理，如果還是對制度運作感到不滿意，通常會對改善制度現況產生無力感，覺得再多做什麼也徒勞無功。一方面，低制度信任感者已經沒有更好的制度可以選擇，另一方面，由於制度信任感是長期累積的經驗，如果先前的經驗不佳，那麼會導致他對付出成本來改善現狀缺乏信心。因此，制度信任感低的民眾，會傾向選擇政治冷漠。至於選舉民主政體，制度信任感低的民眾多數認為既有體制的民主制度有很大的問題，同時，他們普遍偏好民主制度，因此當政治現狀出現問題時，他們有較強的動機採取積極且有建設的行為來改善現狀。
就理論上的意義而言，主要有四點：第一，在個體層次，個人理性自利所產生的目標、情感認同所產生的支持，以及對所處情境的認知或信念，皆會引導行動。第二，從個人鑲嵌在社會中的角度來看，文化規範與環境條件皆影響了行動選擇。第三，就文化論中的儒家主義而言，僅有家父長式主義對政治行為有顯著影響，社會和諧的注重程度則未具影響力。其中，家父長式主義只有在選舉民主政體，才發揮繫住人們不放棄現存制度的力量，反映出選舉民主政體的恩庇侍從結構形塑了多數民眾的政治態度與價值觀。第四，在結構論方面，對於政治機會結構與政治行為的關係，政體的民主發展程度與一國賦予的公民權程度，提供了民眾行為選擇的限制與誘因。

關鍵字

制度信任感 ； 發聲 ； 忠誠 ； 冷漠 ； 政治參與

並列摘要

What forms of political behavior emerge in response to disappointment with the political environment as popular trust in institutions declines? This study answers this important question. Unlike previous studies that either adopted a structural, rational choice, or cultural approach for analysis that further resulted in different research outcomes, this study develops a common framework that incorporates these three approaches to capture the complex relationship between structure and individual action. This study adopts and revises the theoretical approach outlined in Hirschman’s (1970) Exit, Voice, and Loyalty for our theoretical framework. This study uses data from the third wave of the “Asian Barometer Survey” for empirical analysis. The results show that institutional trust has a clear influence on political responses. In liberal democracies, citizens with low levels of institutional trust tend towards political apathy. In electoral democracies, citizens with low institutional trust tend towards exercising their “voice.” This difference is largely because in liberal democracies, based on the premise that democracy is a universal value, democratic institutions have already, as far as possible, delivered civic rights and good governance. In this case, individuals who are still unsatisfied with how the system works tend to feel powerlessness as regards improving the system. Further, they believe that any effort they make will be in vain. On the one hand, individuals with low institutional trust do not have a better system from which to choose. On the other hand, since institutional trust is accumulated over a long period of time, bad experiences will lead to a lack of confidence in the returns from efforts to improve the current system. Therefore, citizens with low levels of institutional trust tend towards political apathy. In electoral democracies, most citizens with low levels of institutional trust believe the existing systems of democracy have many problems. At the same time, they generally prefer democracy. Therefore, when problems arise in the existing political system, they have a strong motivation to adopt positive and constructive behaviors to improve the system.
Theoretically, we propose four major points. The first point is that at the individual level, actions may be guided by goals arising from individual rational self-interest, support generated from emotional attachment, and cognition or beliefs produced in a particular context. The second point is from the perspective of an individual embedded in society, cultural norms, and environmental conditions affect the choice of action has been made. The third is in terms of Confucian culture, only patriarchal beliefs have a significant impact on political behavior, while beliefs in social harmony have no effect. However, patriarchal beliefs were only found to produce a lack of willingness to give up the existing political system in an electoral democracy to reflect that patronage relationships account for political attitudes and values for the majority of citizens in an electoral democracy. The fourth point is in structural terms, regarding the relationship between political opportunity structure and political behavior, the extent of civic rights conferred through democratic development determines the limits and incentives for behavioral choice.

並列關鍵字

Institutional Trust ； Voice ； Loyalty ； Apathy ； Political Participation

參考文獻

湯志傑，2007，〈勢不可免的衝突：從結構╱過程的辯證看美麗島事件之發生〉《台灣社會學》，13: 71-128.

王維芳，2005，〈蒙古第四次國會選舉後的政治發展〉，《中國邊政》，162：37-62。

朱立熙，2011，〈南韓的民主轉型-以光州事件為分水嶺〉，《台灣國際研究季刊》，7(2)：155-182。

Ikeda, Ken’ichi. 2013. “Social and Institutional Trust in East and Southeast Asia.” Taiwan Journal of Democracy 9(1): 13-46.

陳佩修，2009b，〈泰式民主的脆弱性—2006年919軍事政變與泰國民主的逆轉〉，《臺灣民主季刊》，6(1)：73-106。