馬來西亞首相對中國及華人選民的身份認知：作為選舉策略的馬中關係

本論文先是採用「多元啟發論」檢視三位馬來西亞首相，利用與中共的關係在三場攸關政權延續的選舉，影響華人選票的作為是否犧牲了馬來西亞的國家利益；繼而採用「後華性」，檢視首相對中國及華人選民身份認知形成的途徑。本論文試圖回答的研究問題如下：（一）在1974年、1999年及2013年全國選舉前100天內，馬來西亞首相在與中共高官互動，有否犧牲國家利益以維護執政黨和首相的政權利益？（二）學界習以馬共解散作為分水嶺，認為在馬共解散前馬來西亞對中共抱持敵意，解散後則態度友善，不過馬來領導精英無論是在馬共解散前後，都曾對中共實施互為矛盾的作為及政策，究竟馬來精英是視中共為敵、為友還是敵友難分？（三）馬來領導人如何形成對中國及對馬來西亞華人的認識？馬中關係的既有研究層面，主要從區域主義、經濟、策略及歷史著手，卻未曾探討馬來西亞首相與中共的互動，受到他們自身對馬來西亞華人身份認知影響的事實，及促成這份認知的原因。本論文採文獻分析法及調查訪談法建立分析架構並發現：第一，縱使三任首相都曾引入中國因素，以期影響華人選民的投票意向，但依據「多元啟發論」的分析，首相們從來沒有為了維繫政權利益，徹底犧牲國家利益，而是在兩者之間尋找最能夠達到兩全其美的方法；第二，馬來西亞對中共的敵友認知，主要因應馬來領導人對中共的需求而定義，當前者把中國視為具主觀意志的異文明／意識形態時，中共就是敵；反之若把中國視為經濟資源時，中共就是朋友了；第三，三位首相對中國及對馬來西亞華人身份的認知，主要是透過「後華性」的「科學的華人性」途徑，僅有第六任首相納吉在「科學的華人性」之餘，面對中共時還有「漢學的華人性」。事實上，首相對中國和華人身份的認知皆相當表面，而這也正是首相在2013年選舉時打「中國牌」失效的原因。

關鍵字

馬來西亞；首相；選舉；中國；華人

並列摘要

This dissertation adopts the Poliheuristic theory to examine if the Malaysian Prime Ministers had sacrificed the national interests of Malaysia when they exploited the Malaysia-People Republic of China relations to affect the Malaysian Chinese voting behavior in the upcoming elections. Subsequently, this thesis applies the Post-Chineseness theory to study the approaches that the Prime Ministers took to understand China and the Malaysian Chinese identities. The research questions of this dissertation are: 1. Did the Prime Ministers sacrifice the national interest to secure the regime interest when they publicly interacted with the PRC leaders within hundred days before 1974, 1999, 2013 general election was held? 2. How did the Prime Ministers perceive the PRC? A friend, a foe or a frenemy? 3. How did the Prime Ministers perceive China and the Malaysian Chinese? What were the elements that contributed to such an understanding? Existing studies discussed the Malaysia-PRC relations from the aspect of regionalism, economy, strategy and history. In fact, the understanding of the Prime Ministers toward the Malaysian Chinese was as well affected the development of the Malaysia-PRC relations. Yet, this area has been long neglected, and so did the studies on the formation of such perception. This dissertation relies on documentary analysis and interviews to establish a framework to answer the questions. It discovers that: 1. The Prime Ministers did not entirely scarify national interests to maintain their regime interests. In fact, they endeavored to search options that could fulfil both interests. 2. When the Prime Ministers viewed China as a peculiar civilization with a subjective will, the PRC is a foe; when they viewed it as an economic resource, the PRC is a friend. 3. The understanding of the Prime Ministers toward the PRC and the Malaysian Chinese were through the lens of Scientific Chineseness, but Najib Razak, the sixth Prime Minister developed an additional understanding on the PRC, namely the Sinology Chineseness. Yet, the understanding of the Prime Ministers on China and the Malaysian Chinese were superficial. And this is the reason that the Prime Minister failed to regain the Malaysian Chinese votes in the 2013 although he met the PRC leader before the election.