透過您的圖書館登入
IP:3.140.186.241
  • 學位論文

從贈禮到封鎖:日治初期臺灣總督府對北部山區原住民的認識與控制(1895-1909)

From “Gift Giving” to “Blockading” : Knowledge and Control of Northern Taiwan Mountain Aboriginals in the Early Japanese Colonial Period (1895-1909)

指導教授 : 周婉窈
若您是本文的作者,可授權文章由華藝線上圖書館中協助推廣。

摘要


國家的管理機制,對活在「現在」的我們來說,已經內化成為生活習慣的一部分;然而,在歷史的過去,當外來統治者來到臺灣,勢必有一個逐漸建立統治的過渡時期,臺灣總督府「進入蕃地」的過程即是一個例證──19世紀末,少數的外來者以調查臺灣為目的,踏上臺灣的土地;1895年,臺灣總督府建立政權,開始摸索該如何「治理」這個島嶼時,這些少數人的經歷與見聞被保留了下來,轉化「綏撫�撫育」的政策理念,輸出為行政操作流程,成為撫墾署官員與「生蕃」互動的參考指南。 然而,撫墾署同時身兼推動山林樟腦製造、開墾蕃地,以及與原住民互動的三項任務。自日治初期開始,「蕃人蕃地事務」的問題,一直都是蕃地拓殖、樟腦開發、林產物利用等更大任務的推動障礙,只是初期抱著「以信保之,約而守之,開其天性亦未嘗不可」的信念,認為透過撫育,有可能使原住民成為開發山林的助力。然而在山區推動腦業的最大障礙,正是原住民隨時會出其不意地攻擊腦寮。 原住民出於什麼動機而殺人,是日本人一直想瞭解的問題。鳥居龍藏與伊能嘉矩等人類學家,他們的田野調查成果,以日本的人類學界為發表舞臺,無法即時和臺灣的行政體系產生互動;臺灣地區的行政官員真正認知到原住民獵首沒有對象之分,乃是出於他們本身的需要,似乎已遲至1898年,在伊能嘉矩的全島蕃人調查《臺灣蕃人事情》被出版之後,人類學家的蕃情知識,才有機會轉化為穩定的統治技術。 對於日益嚴重的「蕃害」問題,撫墾署常以「撫蕃」為由,否決其他部門要求討伐、封鎖等強硬手段,最後在1898年6月廢撤。撫墾署的廢撤,「威壓主義」終於取得行政的發言權。1900年開始臺灣總督府積極推動樟腦專賣制,一向對樟腦事業不抱好感的山區原住民與製腦業者的深刻矛盾,終於在1900年的時間點爆發了。 本文以臺灣北部山區為討論範圍,探究臺灣總督府與不瞭解「國家」為何物的原住民接觸時,在根本互相一無所知的情況下,統治者會如何決定施政的方向?而在經驗與知識逐漸累積之後,對這群障蔽於地理保護之下的山區原住民,臺灣總督府又如何找到能發揮影響力的有效手段?本文希望能敘述這一個充滿摸索與調整的過程,提供一些想像上的切入點,探討臺灣總督府如何,從最初一無所知的基礎上,逐步透過不同的手段,對這群障蔽於地理保護之下的山區原住民,發揮國家的影響力。 全文共分五章,第一章為緒論,說明問題意識與研究史回顧。 第二章探討日治初期「撫蕃」方針的緣起與背景。在日本人與臺灣原住民尚未深入互動的時期,究竟是什麼樣的少數人經驗,建構了日本人對臺灣原住民的認識框架,並且將贈禮、共同飲酒、誠信互動視為與原住民往來的核心要素。而這批少數探險家使用的有效外交手段,如何在臺灣總督府建制之後,被轉移到基層的蕃地行政單位中,成為行政制度的一部份。 第三章討論「蕃地蕃人事情」是在什麼樣的行政架構下被視為調查的對象。在進入蕃地實屬困難的條件下,臺灣總督府官員透過行政網絡的調查機制,匯聚出來的「蕃情」具有什麼樣的性質?而究竟是什麼樣的「蕃情」認識,能幫助臺灣總督府掌握臺灣的山地? 第四章重點在呈現1900年前後,在什麼樣的時空脈絡下,「隘勇線推進」成為與蕃人對峙時的主要手段;而封鎖、管制山區的物資流通,在此時期中扮演什麼樣的角色? 第五章為結論。

關鍵字

日治時期 臺灣史 理蕃 封鎖 蕃情知識 撫墾署 隘勇

並列摘要


For us living in the present, a nation’s administrative mechanism is nothing new and has already become a natural part of our lives. However, when outside rulers came to Taiwan, it is bound to lead to a period of gradual transition to establish control. The process with which the Governor General of Taiwan “entered savage territory” is proof of such a transition. At the end of the 19th century, a small number of outsiders landed on Taiwan with the intention to perform investigations and surveys. When in 1895 the Governor General of Taiwan established political rule and began to look for ways to “administer” the island, the experiences and knowledge of these outsiders was preserved, becoming basis for the policy to “pacify/foster”, eventually forming a part of the administrative operating process. The experience and knowledge of these outsiders also became a reference guide for the interaction between “wild aboriginals” and officials from the Office of Pacification and Land Cultivation. Yet, at the same time, the Office of Pacification and Land Cultivation also promoted camphor manufacturing in mountain forests, cultivation of aboriginal land, as well as interactions between aboriginals and Japanese. From the early period of Japanese rule in Taiwan, the issue of “aboriginals and aboriginal land affairs” was always an obstruction to pushing the more important tasks of the development of aboriginal land, opening up the manufacturing of camphor, and the utilization of forestry products. During the early period, administrators held onto the conviction that through nurturing/fostering, it would be possible to cause the aboriginals to become helpers in opening up the mountain forests for development. However, at any time the aboriginals would attack the camphor factories, becoming the greatest obstacle to opening up the mountain regions and expanding the camphor industry. The Japanese were always concerned with understanding what motivated the aboriginals to kill. The field research achievements of anthropologists Torii Ryūzō and Inō Kanori were published in the Japanese anthropological world, and thus their findings were unable to immediately be used in the administrative system. Administration officials in Taiwan genuinely recognized that aboriginal head hunting was not divided by target; rather, it was based on their own needs. Seemingly as late as 1898, after Inō Kanori’s survey of Taiwan’s aboriginals was published as Taiwan’s Savage Affairs, anthropologist’s knowledge of aboriginal affairs only then had an opportunity to turn into a stable technique of governing. Regarding the increasingly serious “savage violence”, the Office of Pacification and Land Cultivation on the grounds of “pacifying the savages”, voted against the requests of other departments to use force, blockades, or other hardline methods to deal with the issue. Finally, in June of 1898, the Office of Pacification and Land Cultivation was abolished. With the abolishment of the Office of Pacification and Land Cultivation, using coercion finally received a voice in the administration. Starting in 1900, the Governor General of Taiwan actively promoted the camphor monopoly. As before, there was a deep contradiction that existed between the mountain aboriginals that had an unfavorable impression of the camphor industry and those involved in the camphor industry, finally erupting in 1900. The scope of discussion for this paper focuses on the northern mountain region of Taiwan, to investigate when the Governor General of Taiwan and aboriginals that did not understand what a “nation” was. Under the circumstances of completely not understanding each other, how did the rulers determine the direction of their administration? Moreover, after the gradual accumulation of experience and knowledge, how was the Governor General of Taiwan able to develop an effective method that would bring about influence in the area? This paper aims to describe the explorative and adjustment process, to investigate how the Government General of Taiwan, from an early mutual unknowing that progressively developed through different methods to exert national influence. In total, this paper has five chapters. The first chapter is the introduction, explaining the issue to be discussed and the review of the literature. The second chapter investigates the origins and background of early Japanese period method of “pacifying aboriginals”. When Japanese and Taiwanese aboriginals still did not understand each other, how did the experiences of a small number of people construct Japanese knowledge of Taiwan’s aboriginals? In addition, how were taking the act gift giving, the symbolic mutual drinking of alcohol, interactions of good faith seen as the core factor of dealing with aboriginals? Moreover, after the Government General of Taiwan was organized, how did the effective diplomatic methods used by the small number of early explorers come to be used in the basic administrative units in aboriginal territory, eventually becoming a part of the administrative structure itself? The third chapter discusses what “aboriginals and aboriginal land affairs” came be viewed as the object of investigation under the administrative structure. Under the difficult requirements of entering aboriginal territory, what was the nature of the “aboriginal affairs” officials of the Government General of Taiwan converged upon through the investigation mechanism of the administrative network? Moreover, what was knowledge of “aboriginal affairs” that helped the Government General of Taiwan to control Taiwan’s mountain regions? The fourth chapter is aimed at showing, after 1900, how the “frontier guard system” became the primary method for confronting aboriginals. Moreover, what kind of role did blockades and the control of the distribution of goods from the mountain areas, play during this time period? The fifth chapter is the conclusion.

參考文獻


林一宏、王惠君,〈從隘勇線到駐在所:日治時期李崠山地區理蕃設施之變遷〉,《臺灣史研究》第14卷第1期,臺北:中央研究院臺灣史研究所,2007,頁71-137。
邱馨慧,〈被殖民脈絡下山地與平地交換活動的初探──以日本時代高雄州潮州郡的赤山交換所為例〉,《屏東文獻》第5期,屏東:屏東縣政府文化局,2002.05,頁3-22。
黃俊傑,〈十九世紀末年日本人的臺灣論述:以上野專一、福澤諭吉與內藤湖南為例〉,《臺灣意識與臺灣文化》,臺北:國立臺灣大學出版中心,2009,頁39-70。
鄭安晞,〈日治時期隘勇線推進與蕃界之內涵轉變〉,《中央大學人文學報》第50期,桃園:中央大學文學院,2012.04,頁131-208。
王梅霞,〈從「交換」看族群互動與文化再創造:日治初期苗栗地區泰雅族的研究〉,《考古人類學刊》第71期,臺北:考古人類學刊編輯委員會,2009.12,頁93-144。

被引用紀錄


廖希正(2018)。槍枝在臺灣原住民社會中的傳佈、受容與官方管制(1700s-1920)〔碩士論文,國立臺灣大學〕。華藝線上圖書館。https://doi.org/10.6342/NTU201800586

延伸閱讀