世代與時代：1970年代台大保釣與學生運動

Generation and Era: The Defending Diaoyutai Movement and NTU Student Activism in 1970s Taiwan

張鈞凱(Chun-Kai Chang)

指導教授 ： 蕭阿勤

國立臺灣大學/社會科學院/政治學研究所/碩士(2012年)

https://doi.org/10.6342/NTU.2012.01560

摘要

1960年代全球興起的學生運動浪潮，參與者反抗體制並投入公共事務，成為戰後世界政治文化變遷重要的力量。這個「關鍵十年」則出現在1970年代的台灣，被學者稱之為戰後台灣的「軸心時期」。本文以發生在此時期最初幾年的台大保釣與學生運動為研究對象，試圖理解這場運動的發展過程及其性質，以及對往後台灣政治、文化與社會變遷的影響。

在全球的學生運動浪潮中，本文以台灣以外地區的學生運動為參照，透過比較找出1970年代台大保釣與學生運動的特殊之處及其意義。同時，本文援引以曼海姆為代表的世代理論，不只強調運動參與者的客觀年齡群體，更重視其主觀主張、認知與行動。本文以當時的校園學生刊物與文字紀錄為分析材料，並輔以當事人在事後的回憶，掌握研究對象在社會政治上的能動性與動態發展，從而理解重大政治社會事件對個人與群體的影響，並認識世代成員的認知與行動對政治文化變遷過程的影響。

本文第二至五章分別探討了台大保釣學運的幾個階段：扮演啟蒙角色的自覺運動、以愛國民族主義而起的保衛釣魚台運動、要求擴大政治參與的政治革新運動，以及貫穿自覺運動之後各個階段的社會服務運動。本研究指出，這場運動最大的特色就是具有濃厚的愛國主義色彩，參與者的論述也充滿中國民族主義。另外一個特色是，這是一場學生主導、官方授意之下的運動，可以說這場運動是學生與統治者相互妥協的結果。此外，參與運動的師生本省籍與外省籍均有，其中以外省籍居多，在內外問題交相衝擊之下，一部分參與者逐漸萌生對民主自由的信仰與謳歌，並將眼光由全中國轉移到安身立命的台灣。另外有部分參與者兼具中國情懷以及素樸的左翼理想，有別於傳統國民黨的教化，關心受到跨國資本壓迫的台灣底層民眾，也關心生活在大陸的同胞，他們反對帝國主義與資本主義的壓迫，特別強調平等的重要。

這場學生運動與同時期世界其他地區學生運動相較之下，都呈現了幾個雷同的結構因素，當時是戰後嬰兒潮長大進入大學校園的高潮，而各地區的高等教育也相應成長，使得校園成為學生串連的重要環境。這些學生面對的是冷戰之下國內外保守與僵固的政治氣氛，他們在許多重要作家的作品與思潮影響之下，透過校內的社團組織與人際網絡交換訊息，進而開展學生運動。與其他地區的學生運動相較之下，台大這場學生運動主要表現了兩個特點：首先是手段相當溫和，政府或統治權威並非學生直接挑戰的對象，有時候反而是合作的對象。其次是參與運動的學生，受到傳統儒家理想與價值觀的影響，扮演著忠臣與諫臣的雙重角色，因此可以說這是一場結合「道德」、「國家觀念」與「民族意識」等價值的青年知識份子運動。

台灣戰後嬰兒潮的代表，在台大校園共同經歷1970年代的政治變化，又有共同的經驗與類似的感受，構成一個「實存世代」。透過「覺醒」與「傷痛事件」等機制，從消極的「自在世代」，轉變為積極的「自為世代」。台大學生的覺醒，實際上早於釣魚台爭議的爆發，可以上溯到1960年代中後期的自覺運動，但這個階段是個人式與道德化的自覺。促使台大學生走出個人式與道德化的思考，並逐漸從政治與權力結構來理解社會，產生對政治社會問題與前一代的批判意識，則是由於釣魚台主權爭議以及其後的外交挫敗等傷痛事件。面對共同挑戰的實存世代，成員可能出現不同的行動方式。由於實存世代成員對現實問題認知的差異，行動與回應的方式隨之不同，有的成員甚至會尋求上一代的支持，與上一代合作，未必會出現世代衝突，台大學運後期的發展正呈現了這個情形。另一方面，台大的戰後青年世代成員在世代意識形成之後，當然也有部分成員不願意接受上一代的價值觀與規範，並加以批判，但這種不滿與反抗，仍是透過溫和的文字與言論等形式表現。

台灣1970年代的政治與文化變遷是多元樣貌的。戰後年輕世代除了具有民主自由的信仰，以及對現代化追求的特色之外，也出現了一批具有社會改革意識，兼具中國情懷與素樸左翼理想的年輕師生，他們關心社會大眾以及農民、漁民、勞工等底層人民的經濟與生活。雖然哲學系事件壓制了台大學生運動，但參與的師生將運動過程中的覺醒與意識，帶進了校園之外的社會場域實踐，影響了1970-1980年代台灣的政治與文化發展。本文各章的討論與分析，即是從世代理論的視角出發，探討世代成員的自我認知與行動實踐之間的關聯與影響，從而理解1970年代初台灣年輕一代的行動在戰後台灣政治文化變遷中的歷史意義。

關鍵字

世代 ； 保釣運動 ； 學生運動 ； 國立台灣大學（台大） ； 1970年代台灣

並列摘要

The 1960s saw student activism globally that challenged established political, social, and cultural systems. A younger generation engaged in public affairs became an important force that changed politics and culture of the postwar world. This thesis examines the Defending Diaoyutai Movement and student activism of National Taiwan University (NTU) that occurred at the beginning of the 1970s, a critical decade in the postwar history of Taiwan. It analyzes the development and nature of this movement and its impact on Taiwan’s politics and culture.

The thesis examines the NTU Defending Diaoyutai Movement and student activism by comparing it with their counterparts in other places in the world. Drawing on Karl Mannheim’s generational theory, it focuses not only on the objective generational background of the young intellectuals and college students involved in the Movement and related activities but also on their subjective identities and worldview. The thesis investigates how major political events created a powerful impact on these members of the postwar generation and how their particular identities and worldview were related to their public actions. A variety of student publications, written records, memories, and suchlike were analyzed in order to analyze their agency and actions and the dynamics of the Movement.

Chapter Two to Chapter Five examine, respectively, the early Self-Awareness Movement, the Defending Diaoyutai Movement, the call for political reform, and the Social Service Movement. The analysis of the thesis on their relationship shows that, first of all, the NTU students who initiated the Defending Diaoyutai Movement had strong patriotism and that their historical narrative was informed with Chinese nationalism. Secondly, the Movement was led by students but it was controlled by the KMT authority. It was the outcome of compromises between the students and the authority. Thirdly, the participants included both those of local Taiwanese background and those of Mainlander background. During the period of the Movement, many participants began to develop their strong faith in democracy and a particular concern with Taiwan instead of a greater China. Some activist students also developed their belief in left-wing ideals and became highly concerned with socially marginalized groups as well as the compatriots under the rule of communist China. They attacked the oppression caused by imperialism and capitalism and emphasized the importance of equality.

The thesis points out several importat structural factors that facilitated the emergence of student activism shared by many places of the world in the 1960s and 1970s Taiwan. It was the time when baby boomers reached maturity and thus the higher education developed rapidly. As a result, university campus became an important place where students could develope their collective identity and worked together. In the conservative political atmosphere of the Cold War, students were affected by many critical writers’ works and thoughts because of their involvement in a variety of student organizations. However, the thesis indicates that two characteristics of the Movement. First, the challenge it posed to the KMT government was relatively moderate. To the students, the ruling authority was not the target of their criticism but their collaborative partner. Secondly, influenced by the traditional Confucian ideals and values, the students were both loyalist and critic. Therefore, the Movement can be said to be a major act of the younger generation informed by patriotism, nationalism, and Confucian moral values.

The students involved in the Movement were postwar baby boomers, who shared similar experiences of growing under the KMT and the dramatic political change in the early 1970s, in Mannheim’s term, constituted part of a “generation as actuality.” They transformed from members of a “generation in-itself” to those of a “generation for-itself” (or “strategic generation”) through the mechanism of “conscientization” as a result of the impact of traumatic events. The process of their conscientization could be traced back to the Self-Awareness Movement that occurred in the late 1960s and emphasized individual awakening and morality. By contrast, the Diaoyutai sovereignty dispute and the subsequent diplomatic failures, helped the NTU students shift from individual awakening and morality to critique on existing political and power structure and their previous generation. It has to be noted that the members of the generation as actuality had different views of the socio-political reality and different strategies of actions. Some even sought support by or cooperation with their previous generation which brought about little intergenerational conflict. Others rejected the previous generation’s values and norms. Their criticism and challenge, however, were still moderate.

Although the Defending Diaoyutai Movement and student activism were suppressed as a result of the personal purge of the NTU Department of Philosophy in 1974, the students tried to carry out their ideals by promoting activities of investigating the life reality of socially marginalized groups. Their actions inspired those who played an important role in the political and cultural changes in 1970s and 1980s Taiwan.

並列關鍵字

Generation ； Defending Diaoyutai Movement ； Student Activism ； National Taiwan University (NTU) ； 1970s Taiwan

參考文獻

李靜婷，2010，《台灣選民政治認同之世代分析（1992-2008）》，台北：國立台灣大學政治學研究所碩士論文。

張鈞凱，2011，〈不容青史盡成灰：《尋找風雷：1970年代台大保釣學生運動史料彙編》新書發表會發言紀錄（摘要）（下）〉，《海峽評論》，248：62-64。

林孝信、張鈞凱，2011，〈理想還在召喚：保釣運動四十周年大會紀實〉，《海峽評論》，245：58-61。

王曉波，2008，〈請勿「白賊」保釣史──陳水扁做賊喊捉賊〉，《海峽評論》，205：60。

王曉波，2003，〈中山先生雖死，中山主義決不死──《孫中山思想研究》的自我告白〉，《孫中山思想研究》，台北：問津堂，頁11-37。