廈門大學芙蓉隧道塗鴉的治理、認同與地方

塗鴉藉助嘻哈文化的全球化傳入中國，結合中國固有的塗鴉意識，逐步形成具有本土特徵的中國塗鴉形制。在中國，塗鴉被去污名化，大多數時候官方成爲塗鴉活動的組織者，塗鴉精神已逐步消失。中國塗鴉是缺乏組織與系統化的公共藝術行為。研究基於治理工具化、合法化、地方感（性）與空間公共性等視角出發，發展出「塗鴉治理術」的分析概念。因此本研究以廈門大學隧道空間為對象、媒介和場域，釐清知識生產、權力施展和行為規訓的運作。塗鴉的低成本、藝術性、視覺衝擊力等特質，在中國成為活化空間、城市治理、事件記錄的工具，也被作為地方創生的一種手段。廈大芙蓉隧道塗鴉匯集了各種塗鴉的樣式，且塗鴉客的動機也不同。官方在不同階段對隧道塗鴉有著不同的想象，從功能性意義轉變為行銷學校的一種方式。亦即芙蓉隧道聚集了中國大部分塗鴉相關議題。隧道塗鴉充当了美化空間的工具，既是塗鴉者生命經驗的再現，同時也是大眾與官方共同參與地方創生的結果。塗鴉是作為街頭藝術的一種形式，被官方徵用與收編，成為為國家治理，鞏固政權的工具。在中國，官方控制了公共空間的話語權。具有公共屬性的大學校園，其圍牆切割了其與社會的關聯，呈現出相對封閉的空間，也隱喻著管理者對校園空間權力的主張和邊界安全的焦慮感。廈大校園的空間管制，並不是開放與限制的二元對立關係，兩者是社會行動者之間的不斷互動、思辨與協商，從而探尋出理性的「邊界」。「邊界」不一定是空間維度的物質性邊界，可能是時間維度的邊界，或者是規模邊界。所以廈大校園空間的衝突不僅表現在物理空間的衝突，還體現在不同階段遊客對空間環境的「破壞」或不文明的行為。大多數師生、媒體、社會大眾認為這種行為是破壞學校的公共資源。然而，從塗鴉定義的視角理解該行為則是一種對話的機制。隧道塗鴉牆被官方徵用作為政績宣傳欄，表象上是塗鴉牆被破壞和隧道空間内的衝突誘發的因素，實際上是官方重塑隧道空間的權屬，並藉由隧道塗鴉的影響力強化宣傳的屬性。官方行為引發大衆的抵制，反對其意識形態的注入和野蠻式行為，最終公共輿論和公眾參與阻止該事件的發生。事件也引發了大眾對隧道塗鴉的屬性、保存、修復措施、權屬等問題的討論。研究發現塗鴉被「破壞」嚴重的現象，出現了「秩序黨」、「挺修派」、「自由派」等三種因應破壞現象的行動主體。爭論的焦點是隧道塗鴉牆是否應該保持自由塗鴉的權力。在中國，個體權利不被主張狀況下，官方建構一種意識形態的社會秩序和集體利益優先的意識，事實上大眾參與才是隧道塗鴉的重要組成部分。不同時期的隧道塗鴉規則決定了行動者地方生產，同時也促使了隧道地方身份的轉變。研究發現政府和校方是隧道塗鴉的實際推手，一方面是吸引更多的觀光客，成為行銷廈門和廈大的工具；另一方面大肆批評訪客對塗鴉的破壞，發佈了限制遊客的嚴苛規章制度。研究發現隧道塗鴉地方或地方感的生產過程，受到社會結構和個體行動者的共同影響，難以剝離開。隧道塗鴉地方感的形塑經歷了校方引導、學生自發、訪客互動、校方管制措施等幾個階段力量的運作。從人文主義視角而言，個人情感是受到了新世代情感記憶、塗鴉或媒體再現、消費文化等因素的影響。從社會建構視角而言，政府的城市定位和校方管制措施的影響，而校方在不同階段也呈現出對塗鴉的不同態度。另外，研究發現隧道塗鴉建構的地方與地方感概念是由身體操演的地方與地方感再現、根植性與身體移動性、全球與地方等三種張力的組裝。此外，廈大元素的文創產品作為地方感的延續，此時的地方感不再受到時空的限制，建構了行動者與隧道塗鴉的連結。實際上文創產品是反映在行動者中新世代群體與塗鴉再現校園生活記憶的關聯，是新世代共同記憶的生產與再生產。

關鍵字

塗鴉治理術；身體移動性；地方性；地方創生；空間實踐

並列摘要

Graffiti are highly controversial urban social phenomenon, and the focus of controversy is about the crossing, deconstruction and reshaping of boundaries. This study takes Xiamen University Furong Tunnel graffiti as the research object, and proposes the analytic framework of "Graffiti Governance" based on the perspectives of governance instrumentalization, legalization, sense of place and space publicity. Popular graffiti have been a Chinese tradition, in which wall slogans, big-character posters and graffiti use the wall as the carrier. Slogans and big-character posters help the government carry out its policy role. The slogan plays an important role in the development of Chinese society and records the changes of the times. The emergence of slogans shows the need for official rule and the development of communication tools. The big-character poster becomes a weapon utilized by people in the political fight to seek personal political gain. Graffiti are a product of the globalization of hip-hop culture as they were introduced into China. Together with China’s inherent graffiti awareness, they gradually formed a graffiti presentation with local characteristics. In China, graffiti have been de-stigmatized and most of graffiti activities are officially organized, while the original spirit of graffiti has gradually disappeared, as there is a lack of organized and systematic public art activities. The low cost of graffiti changes the space environment. Combined with strong visual impact, it can become a means of place making, as well as a tool for space activation, urban governance and event recording. The Furong Tunnel graffiti are a collection of different graffiti styles reflecting various motivations from the authors. Officials, at different stages, have different expectations for tunnel graffiti, ranging from graffiti’s basic functionality to a tool for branding the university. The Furong Tunnel gathers all the graffiti-related issues in China. Graffiti are a tool to beautify the tunnel space, it is also the reproduction of the graffiti's own life experience, and the tool and result of the public and the official participation in place making. Graffiti, as a form of street art, are utilized by the government to govern the country and consolidate its ruling power. In China, the officials are in control of public space. University campus space shows a phenomenon of restriction and closure, which reflects administrators' sense of anxiety about campus space power and border security. The spatial control of Xiamen University campus is not about a binary opposition between openness and restriction. The two are in constant interaction, speculation and negotiation between actors, so as to explore rational "boundaries". The "boundary" is not necessarily the physical boundary of the spatial dimension, but may also be the boundary of the time dimension, or the boundary of scale. The space conflict on the Xiamen University campus is a physical space conflict or an act of "destroying" the graffiti of the tunnel by tourists. Most teachers and students, the media, and the general public believe that it is destroying the school’s public resources. The behavior in graffiti is defined as a mechanism for dialogue.. The destruction of the graffiti wall and a large number of conflicts caused by crowds have become the reason for the official requisition of the graffiti wall and an opportunity for the government to control the public space and use tunnel graffiti to promote political achievements. The official actions lead to conflict, and the public opposes the infusion of official ideology and barbaric behavior. Public opinion and public participation prevented it from happening. The result of the event also prompted public discussion on the attributes, preservation issues, restoration measures, ownership and other issues of tunnel graffiti. The study has found that graffiti have been severely "destroyed", and there have been three main actors in response to the phenomenon of destruction, including the "Party of Order", the "Supporters", and the "Liberals". The focus of the argument is the right to draw the graffiti freely on the graffiti wall. In China, individual rights are suppressed, giving way to the social order and collective interests established by the government. In fact, public participation is an important part of tunnel graffiti. The social structure of tunnel graffiti in different periods determines the local production of the actors and also promotes the transformation of the local identity of the tunnel. The government and the university promoted the graffiti in the tunnel. On the one hand, they try to attract more tourists to Xiamen City and Xiamen University; On the other hand, they protect the graffiti by criticizing visitors for vandalizing the graffiti and restricting visitors. The study has found that the production process of tunnel graffiti or sense of place is influenced by social structure and individual actors. The sense of place of tunnel graffiti is composed of school guidance, students' spontaneity, visitors' interaction and school control measures. From the perspective of humanism, personal emotions are influenced by generations of emotional memory, graffiti or media representation, consumer culture and other factors. From the perspective of social construction, the city positioning and control measures of the municipal government and the school are influenced, and the school presents different attitudes towards graffiti at different stages. In addition, the study has found that the concept of place and sense of place constructed by tunnel graffiti is the assembly of three tensions, namely, sense of place and representation of sense of place, rootedness and body mobility, and the global and the local. In addition, the cultural and creative products of Xiamen University are the continuation of the sense of place, which is no longer limited by time and space, and it constructs a connection between the actors and the tunnel graffiti. In fact, the products created above are reflected in the association between the new generation group of actors and the memory of school life reproduced by graffiti, and are the production and reproduction of the common memory of the new generation.