根著寰宇：彰化市文化生活的空間性、物質性與主體性

這份研究的核心發問是，文化如可能邁向社會轉型意義下的超越性？全球化世代與一座尋常城市——彰化市——在2010年以後的交會，則是我探索超越性如何發生、為何發生的田野情境。我主張，彰化市因其發展程度的侷限而具有鮮明的親緣化的家宅城市的特性，而這成為支撐寰宇主體的空間與物質基礎。然而，傳統的家鄉也是令主體感到美感不適足的棲位，回到小地方的寰宇主體因而成為外溢的存有，展開了改造家鄉的造家實踐，眾多文化生活便是在此過程中萌生。文獻回顧中，我首先指出，左翼研究傳統關於文化的討論，存在日常與超越之間的斷層。晚近都市研究談論文化時，因專注體制內的文化，也與常民生活脫離。我從而主張，應該以歷史地理學和實作取向的尺度認識論出發，探索城市之物質空間與寰宇主體的交會，方能發掘常民生活邁向社會性改變的可能。我並發展出相應分析架構：即寰宇主體返回親緣化的家宅小城時，因有衝突的尺度認知而感到格格不入。彰化市的家於他們而言成為美感不適足的棲位，以寰宇主體為核心的美感領域則傾向溢出這個棲位，而這成了主體的動因。令主體感到不滿的美感領域內的物質範圍，促使他們發起文化生活、改造地景配置和意涵。對即身環境感到不滿的主體，因而成為審美主體，他們在改變即身環境時也改變了自己。我採人類學民族誌式的田野調查和詮釋，並援引二手資料如規劃報告、新聞報導、地圖和出版文本。分析時，我將彰化市文化生活經營者深度的生命經驗訪談，置入與城市歷史地理條件之間的關係。在第參章，我呈現彰化的城市特性如何凝縮了傳統與現代性之殤，而現代性進程下的殘餘空間，則奠定了2010年後寰宇主體生活營造的物質與空間條件，並促使審美主體萌生。在第肆章，我強調寰宇主體對棲位的調整如何源自「家宅」，受「傳統性」的空間所支持。在第伍章，我呈現相對於文化治理技藝不世故、「不夠現代」的地方政府，彰化市文化生活經營者之間相互串聯的「共感圈」，開始回頭影響公共空間，並與體制接觸。另一方面，隨著文化生活似由個人串連成集體，主體也正經歷內在的衝突，乃至自我的變化。為了處理這樣的個人層次，我安排插曲一與插曲二，討論在改變世界時也在改變自己的主體，從而帶出最後第陸章「進步造家實踐」的討論。彰化市文化生活相對地方政府的高度自主性，令其具有進步性，而這可謂是平庸的次級城市的贈禮。帶著這樣的視野，我期許本地研究深化對臺灣各鄉鎮日常生活支持網絡的掌握，從而令文化治理回歸生活、也讓隱於傳統之中的各種另類生活路徑得以顯現。

關鍵字

尋常城市；生活支持網絡；美感領域；傳統性；文化治理

並列摘要

This thesis explores how culture can possibly be transcendental in the sense of soeictal transformations. Through the encounter between a cohort of globalized generation and an ordinary city—Changhua City—I illustrate how transformative potential of culture can take place. Changhua City is a ‘home city of kinship’ due to its limited degree of development. Such trait of materiality and spatiality works to offer the cosmopolitan subjects a place of dwelling, but those subjects feel this is an ‘aesthetically inadequate niche’ and hence begin their home-making practices. Cultural life of multiple kinds then proliferate during this course. Through an investigation of the cultural life of Changhua City focusing on the interrelationship between spatiality, materiality, and subjectivity, I try to respond to urban studies’ recent attention on non-human objects while still highlighting the importance of hierarchy and strucutre. Meanwhile, perspectives from planning and architecture also lend light here, as they remind us to pay closer attention to how spatial configurations and cognitive scale works to mediate the subjects’ practices. In the literauter review, I argue that analysis of the leftism tradition regarding culture tends to leave a gap as to how everyday life can lead to transformative societal changes. To fill in this gap, I will shift the focus of recent urban studies on culture from one that is highly concerned about culture within the regime to one that caters to how cutlrue is produced through daily, unintentional practices. I then argue that a perspective combing historical geography and practice-oriented scale is required for us to grasp the potential generated through the encounter between a specific city and specific subjects. An analytical framework, which conceptualizes Changhua City as a home city of kinship, and the cosmopolitan subjects’ return to this hometown through aesthetics, will be develeoped based on the aforementioned perspective. For the empirical part, I have conducted fieldwork in ethnographic way, but see those materials as embedded in a ‘vertical,’ ‘structured’ world when doing analysis. Through in-depth interviews with those living their life through cultural activites, and analysis of secondhand materials such as planning reports, journalism and maps, in Chapter 3, I illuminate how the cityness of Changhua embodies the coexistence of traditionality and modernity, and will show how such conditions have been mediating the cultural life after 2010. In Chapter 4, I show how the cosmopolitan subjects’ retrofitting of their hometown niche is rooted within the ‘family house’ supported by traditionality. In Chapter 5, I demonstrate that individuals remaking their own home gradually come to form a network that recodes the city landscape and influences the local government, the latter of which tends to be inadqueately sophiscated with how to govern through culture. During this course of formation and expansion of a network I called ‘circle of empathy,’ subjects also often struggle to rebuild their relationship with the traditional ‘home,’ and their cosmopolitan inner ‘self.’ To capture this micro dimension of subjectivity, I have arranged Episode 1 and 2 between Chapter 3 to Chapter 6, and from these two episodes, I will deduct my conclusion on the ‘progressive homemaking practices.’ I argue that the banality of Changhua, given its secondary place, has facilitated a highly autonomous network of cultural life vis-à-vis the local government. I hope that through this research, more studies exploring the working of the supporting network for everyday life can come forward. Cultural governance should thus be able to be grounded in everyday life, and our pursuit for more alternatives way of life can also be made possible.