透過您的圖書館登入
IP:18.222.67.251
  • 學位論文

貞節、國家與地方社會:清代節孝祠研究

Chastity, State and Local Society: A Study on Shrines to the Chaste and Filial (Jiexiao Ci) in the Qing Dynasty

指導教授 : 衣若蘭
若您是本文的作者,可授權文章由華藝線上圖書館中協助推廣。

摘要


奠基於貞節旌表制度的節孝祠,經由國家祀典體系向基層的佈建,占據了地方社會的一隅,形成國家權力、地方社會及貞節論述的三方交匯,本研究即是從節孝祠的發展軌跡觀察這三股力量如何在清代交互作用的歷程。節孝祠的誕生代表國家為貞節烈女建祠、立祀的制度化、普遍化及中央化,縱然是集歷代貞節表揚制度之大成的明代,中央朝廷也僅將祠祀作為彌補國家旌表不足之處的表彰方式,且地方官員的態度顯然更加積極。到了清代,貞節烈女在雍正皇帝強烈的教化使命感之下,化作構築國家祀典體制的重要拼圖,在全國各地向基層百姓傳遞皇帝的個人意志,增添地方景象中國家權威的色彩,進而縮短基層社會與國家權力的距離。 與明代最大的差異在於,清廷將節孝祠納入貞節旌表制度當中,闢出一條平民婦女躋身國家祀典的常規管道;透過規律化的貞節旌表制度,國家對貞節烈女的祠祀從隨機性的個案處理,變成常態性的集體祭祀,節孝祠的定位亦隨著清代貞節旌表制度的演變而有所調整。儘管清代的貞節旌表制度大體繼承了明代的框架,但面對帝國遼闊的疆域以及境內複雜的民族成分,滿清統治者巧妙地拓展貞節旌表制度的適用範圍及政治作用,以滿足不同情境中的治理需求。清代的貞節旌表制度在盡可能擴大影響力的同時,亦不忘維繫政治及社會秩序,進一步走向了「階序化」:帝國轄下的貞節烈女群體依照「婦女身分」及「節烈行為」兩大標準進行具體且細緻的區分,並加以優劣排序。此一釐定女性道德位階的序列工程在乾隆朝臻至高峰,節孝祠因而逐漸晉升為清代貞節旌表制度的頂點,可謂是貞節崇拜與治國策略緊密結合的新產物。 然而,乾隆朝以降的人口增長及通貨膨脹大幅提高地方治理的行政成本,地方財政體系卻越形僵化,未受政府預算保障的節孝祠備受影響;來自民間的資源日漸頂替匱乏的官方財源,成為節孝祠主要的經費來源。十九世紀的頻繁戰亂更加重了國家對民間資源的依賴,不只是節孝祠的營運,貞節旌表制度的主導權也開始移轉到地方精英手上,特別是帝國文化與經濟核心的江南一帶。密集的習儒人口及優越的經濟條件生成貞節崇拜蓬勃發展的沃土,在日益加劇的社會變遷及動蕩中,婦女的貞節實踐尤能滿足不同人群的欲念及動機,貞節崇拜的社會網絡也因此在十九世紀的江南地區達到前所未有的規模。 貞節旌表制度的鬆弛更加擴大節孝祠的人群基礎,節孝後裔的增多提高了節孝祠內部的體制化及組織化,國家祀典的正統性則確保參與其中的人們得以合法地凝聚地方人群的共識及資源,有助於拓展更大的發展空間,進而培植足以捍衛自身權益的根基,對抗國家權力的不當介入。京江節孝祠的發展清楚地呈現國家體制如何被地方社會挪用的過程,反映國家權力從盛清至晚清的消長:當官方財政無法穩定支應祠務的經費,此一由國家建構的平台很可能會變成地方人群發展的利器,轉向服務地方群體的利益,而非政權的附庸;但對於性別秩序的共同認知及擁護,卻使國家與地方社會的權力互動達到平衡,顯見貞節論述在清代社會的滲透之深、散播之廣,儼成穩固社會秩序的中流砥柱。

關鍵字

清代 節孝祠 貞節 旌表制度

並列摘要


Based on the official reward system of female chastity, shrines to the Chaste and Filial (Jiexiao Ci節孝祠) had occupied a part of local society through the establishment on the basic level of society by the system of state ritual, and had become a junction of power of state, local society and discourse on chastity. This essay attempts to observe how the three different powers had interacted with each other in the Qing dynasty on research of the development of shrines to the Chaste and Filial. The birth of shrines to the Chaste and Filial represented the systemization, normalization and centralization of building shrines for chaste and heroic women by the state. Even in the Ming dynasty, when the official reward system (jingbiao旌表) of female chastity has achieved a new high level, the central government only used enshrining (cisi祠祀) as a supplement to the official reward system, while local officers were more positive in enshrining. Until the Qing dynasty, chaste and heroic women had become an important piece of the construction of the system of state ritual under the forceful sense of purpose of Yongzheng Emperor, whose personal will was delivered to people on the basic level of society through this system, and therefore had increased power of state in local society as well as shortened the distance between the authority and the basic level of society. The greatest distinction between the Ming and the Qing dynasty was that the Qing government had instituted shrines to the Chaste and Filial into the official reward system of female chastity, and had therefore created a regular way for ordinary women to fit in state rituals. With constituted official reward system of female chastity, enshrining chaste and heroic women by the state had become a regular collective ritual other than random individual case. The position of shrines to the Chaste and Filial had been adjusted in response to the evolvement of the official reward system of female chastity during the Qing dynasty. Although the official reward system of female chastity in the Qing dynasty had mostly inherited the system of Ming, concerning extensive realm and the ethnic diversity of the empire, the Qing government had deliberately extended the scope of application and political function of the system in order to satisfy different governing needs in varying situations. When the influence of the official reward system of female chastity had been increased, it had been hierarchized to maintain political and social order as well. Chaste and heroic women of the Qing Empire were distinguished and sequenced deliberately according to the two standards of status of women and of chaste and heroic behavior. This hierarchization program of female morality had reached its peak during the governance of Qianlong Emperor, and therefore, shrines to the Chaste and Filial had gradually ranked highest among the official reward system of female chastity. This is a new product of combination of worship of chastity and strategy of governance. However, the inflation and increased population since Qianlong Emperor had greatly raised the administrative cost of local governance while local financial system remain stagnant, thus influenced shrines to the Chaste and Filial that were not protected by government budget. The civil financial resource had gradually replaced the official one to become the primary funds of the shrines. The frequent wars during nineteenth century increased the reliance on civil resource of state. Not only the operation of shrines but the leadership of the official reward system of female chastity was transferred into the hands of local elite, especially in Jiangnan, the core of economy and culture of the Qing Empire. The dense population of Confucian scholars and superior economic condition had become fertile soil on which the worship of chastity grew flourishing. Under increased social transformation and turmoil, practice of female chastity could particularly satisfy the desire and motive of different people, hence the social network of worship of chastity had reached a unprecedented scale. The loose of the official reward system of female chastity had expanded the base of practitioners of shrines to the Chaste and Filial. Increased descendants of the Chaste and Filial improved systemization and organization inside the shrines, and the legitimacy of state enshrining ritual guaranteed that the practitioners could gather resource and consensus legitimately. It helped the practitioners to expand larger space of development and then laid a foundation which was sufficient to protect their own rights against unfair intervention of state. The development of shrines to the Chaste and Filial of Jingjiang had clearly displayed how state institution was diverted by local society, and had reflected the rise and fall of state power from the mid Qing to the late Qing dynasty. When official finance could not afford funds of shrines stably, this platform established by state would possibly become a tool of helping local development and serving local interest, not a vassal of government. However, the consensus and advocacy of gender order also stroke a balance between state and local society. It shows that how far discourse on chastity had penetrated and spread in Qing society, even became a supporting pillar of social order.

參考文獻


巫仁恕,〈節慶、信仰與抗爭──明清城隍信仰與城市群眾的集體抗議行為〉,《中央研究院近代史研究所集刊》34期,2000,臺北,頁145-210。
費絲言,〈醜事:盛清的貞節政治〉,《近代中國婦女史研究》14期,2006,臺北,頁255-271。
林麗月,〈孝道與婦道:明代孝婦的文化史考察〉,《近代中國婦女史研究》6期,1998,臺北,頁1-29。
[日]濱下武志著,高淑娟、孫彬譯,《中國近代經濟史研究:清末海關財政與通商口岸市場圈》,南京:江蘇人民出版社,2006初版。
張彬村,〈明清時期寡婦守節的風氣──理性選擇(rational choice)的問題〉,《新史學》10卷2期,1999,臺北,頁29-76。

延伸閱讀