本文針對中國大陸1978年憲法重新確定普選原則後,於1979年7月公布,1980年元月施行的《全國人大和地方人大選舉法》和《地方人大和政府組織法》,並於1982、1986、1995及2004年對兩法進行四次修正。從「歷史制度主義」途徑分析制度環境、制度抉擇和制度影響,並從程序民主的指標觀察中國大陸選舉制度如何反映與擴大執政者權力的分配模式,以及公民所能商議試探的空間。研究發現,由於選舉對中共而言存在體現「選民意志」與「代表結構」的雙重任務,因此一方面利用選舉制度長期存在的高度彈性與不確定性(如醞釀協商、選區劃分),進行組織的運作及干預,以實現政策目標,使選舉過程不可避免存在「黨組織在場」的問題,同時也維繫了「黨的領導」角色。但另一方面,四次選舉法的修正也可看出執政者不斷藉由改進選舉程序使直接選舉更能符合公平、公開與競爭性,可是路徑依賴的結果也讓選舉實踐所呈現的就是政策與法律精神的矛盾,使得這種「中國特色」的選舉制度,在原則上認同選舉的同時,卻在實踐中削弱了選舉的實際功能。不過,從當前農村與社區選舉的發展,以及人民從維權與利益的需求自主參選就可以看出中國大陸基層民主發展的強大生命力;但是從公民自主參選的過程艱鉅,以及資訊資源分配不均也說明了基層選舉的複雜性。因此未來中國大陸程序民主的發展就在於公民的參政需求、黨國組織目標,以及制度的合法機制三種力量間,各自發揮不同層次的作用。
The purpose of this study is to examine the text and operation of the Electoral Law and Organizational Law of Mainland China since 1980, and as modified in 1982, 1986, 1995, and 2004. This study evaluates the practice of holding elections based on six criteria, namely, the election commission, the constituency, nominations, directness, freedom and fairness. Along with the enlargement of the Chinese citizen's political involvement, there are still some drawbacks resulting from the text itself. As evidenced by the manipulation and intervention still taking place within the process of People's Representatives being elected by the CCP and the government, democratic centralism is inevitably leading to a gap between precept and practice in relation to any political concept that has a normative content. On the other hand, we can find more candidates either nominated by residents or nominated during the representative election of the basic NPC than before. This indicates that the voter's awareness has been changing and awakening from that of an ordinary member of the public to that of a national citizen, which has universal meaning.
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