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臺韓新冠肺炎(COVID-19)疫情治理經驗及政治菁英、行政官僚與公民社會互動關係之研究

The Interactions between the Political Elite, Bureaucrat, and Civil Society in the context of COVID-19 Pandemic Governance: A Comparative Case Study of Taiwan and South Korea

摘要


自從新冠肺炎(COVID-19)第一個確診案例在中國大陸武漢地區被發現以來,截至目前為止,這個傳播力極強的新興傳染性疾病已肆虐各大洲,不僅造成了上億人感染,亦使得上百萬人因感染此疾病而失去生命。這個突如其來的新興傳染病不僅對於各國的醫療與公共衛生體系產生重大的影響與挑戰,也考驗著各個國家如何有效的使用自身手上的政策工具來對抗疫情的傳播與擴散。然而,為了要減緩疫情的傳播,各國相繼祭出了限制公民人身自由、強制配戴口罩、鼓勵積極接種疫苗乃至於不同程度上限制人民日常生活之遷徙與移動的自由權利限制等措施。雖然各國在執行上述政策時之程度與強制性程度上容或有所不同,但值得一提的是,在此次對抗新冠肺炎疫情的過程中,民間部門和公民社會是否願意配合政府的防疫作為,以及是否願意協助政府進行防疫物資的生產和資源的調配工作等,在在都會對各國防疫工作表現產生重大的影響。對此,有鑑於新冠肺炎疫情治理對於各國之國家與社會關係產生重大但不一樣的影響,本文研究者運用Moon和Ingraham所提之「三合式政治關係」(Political Nexus Triad, PNT)架構模式來作為本文之理論依據與分析基礎,藉此探討臺灣與韓國在新冠肺炎疫情期間,政治菁英、行政官僚以及公民社會三者間的互動情形以及過程中所展現出來的權力位置等特徵。本文研究發現,臺韓兩國的主要政治人物(特別是國家領導人)在疫情治理期間皆選擇了賦予具有醫療和公共衛生背景之專業行政官僚更大的自主性和政治空間來參與防疫策略的討論和政策擬定。而兩國國家領導人與主要之政治菁英選擇尊重專業的決定,不僅使得兩國的政治菁英在疫情治理期間所處的三合式政治關係之權力位置有所改變,且這樣的改變亦進一步的促使了專業之行政官僚在此次防疫過程中獲得了更大的政治權力以及人民的信任。另外,值得一提的是,兩國的民間部門和公民社會在疫情防治的過程中也扮演了關鍵性的角色,若缺少了兩國公民社會之積極配合的話,臺韓兩國在新冠肺炎疫情防治上所能獲得之成效將大打折扣。總體而言,本文運用PNT的理論觀點,分析了臺灣與韓國在新冠肺炎疫情治理過程中政治菁英、行政官僚與公民社會三者的互動關係,本文的研究發現為吾人在理解疫情治理期間臺韓兩國之國家與社會關係提供了重要的討論視角。

並列摘要


Since the first Covid-19 confirmed case found in the region of Wuhan, China, this highly infectious disease has infected hundreds of millions of people and subsequently killed millions. In this regard, how to effectively control and slow down the spread of the disease has become one of the most crucial governmental priorities for most countries. It can be observed how some governments have dealt with this challenge better than others. Indeed, Taiwan and South Korea are considered to be two relatively successful cases in combating and governing this acute disease and, in turn, handling the relevant socio-economic challenges caused by the pandemic. In addition, it can also be noted that in some Western countries, and also in Mainland China, the relations between state and society created tensions due to governments' strict pandemic preventions or human mobility constraint policies, which did not only induce serious conflicts between peoples and governments, but also lowed individuals' willingness to cooperate with their government in fighting the virus. However, the state and society relations have remained relatively peaceful within Taiwan and South Korea. These two countries have had no such tensions or conflicts between citizens and their governments, unlike Western counterparties and Mainland China. Moreover, Taiwan and South Korea have both performed well in governing the pandemic as they both took a shorter period of time to control the spread of the disease, thus ensuring a relatively low mortality rate; however, neither chose to implement strict virus prevention and control policies. Resultantly, the Taiwanese and South Korean successful experiences piqued the author's curiosity to explore as to why and how these two countries have been able to govern the disease better than others, while still maintaining stable state and societal relations. Thus, the author has applied the theoretical concept of Political Nexus Triad (PNT) proposed by Moon and Ingraham in 1998 to examine the state and societal relations in the time of the COVID-19 pandemic between Taiwan and South Korea. The study finds that during the pandemic, both the Taiwanese and South Korean major political elites purposively chose to maintain a distance from pandemic affairs and allow the medical and public health bureaucrats to have more power and a larger political space in which to participate in the policy discussion and decision-making processes. It is also important to note that Taiwanese and South Korean civil societies have demonstrated a fairly high willingness to follow the requisite disease prevention guidelines as requested by the governments, even though most of these governmental requirements have not been strict and are without penalty rules. Additionally, both the Taiwanese and South Korean civil societies established functioning cooperative public and private partnerships with their respective governments in a bid to mobilize resources and manufacture disease prevention and cure equipment so as to fulfill the emergency needed during the initial stages of the pandemic. Another empirical fact revealing the important role the Taiwanese and South Korean civil societies have played in the pandemic governance is that the majority of the people (more than 90% in these two countries) actively implemented NPIs prevention guidelines despite not being obligatory. In this regard, it is fair to believe that the Taiwanese and South Korean governments could not have achieved relatively good governance performance levels without people's and civil societies' cooperation Therefore, both civil societies have obtained more opportunities and political space to participate in the pandemic governance; accordingly, further making Taiwanese and South Korean peoples posit better power positions in the PNT structure while interacting with political elites and governmental bureaucrats in the time of Covid-19.

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