戰後加蚋仔空間邊緣化與地方營造

本研究以空間化文化作為分析工具，探究城市生產與建構如何邊緣化與汙名化加蚋仔，又近年浮現的新型態地方行動如何重建地方。然而政府或行動者在處理加蚋仔地方再生時，對於地方的邊緣產業及其相關空間議題缺乏分析性關照，因而採取替代或是發展新空間化文化的策略來抹除或壓縮這些產業地景。本研究透過三個邊緣產業的日常體現映照規劃體制下的空間排除，還有活在汙名標籤下的勞動者如何產生破碎認同；再者，這些日常勞動地景提供另類的文化觀點，當未來地方在重建論述與網絡時，可帶來持續協商與矛盾的文化和空間辯證。戰後加蚋仔歷經快速都市化，在消極規劃下成為底層移民的棲地。因為長年缺乏市政規畫關注，加蚋仔的各樣建設相對落後，成了一都市窳陋區。直到 1970年代，在一系列偶然與政治角力下，政府在缺乏全盤規劃時，快速在加蚋仔推行大規模公共建設。加蚋仔暫時符合現代都市乾淨整潔的期待，卻邁向更邊緣化的都市發展。地方勞動者的日常體現中映照出規劃政治的不公平，這些勞動者在夾縫中發展出充滿韌性的支持系統如拾荒體系、印刷產業鏈以及蔬果加工產業，他們運用身體、彈性空間策略生產利潤，以維繫整個運作所需的社會關係，並支持整個城市的生產運作。體現空間觀點映照主流社會將加蚋仔定位為都市服務角色，卻透過各樣空間政策剷除地方紋理，造成地方感失去依附的物質空間而碎化；對其產業和環境汙名化，造地方認同上無所適從。近年新型態地方行動重建地方敘事路徑也重構社群網絡，地方敘事扭轉了汙名論述，給予加蚋仔新的主體認同並促成地方青年與家鄉的和解；重構中的社群網絡強調互助互惠，由在地照顧在地，形成新的地方支持系統，也間接扶持了這些產業勞動者。可以說，邊緣位置反倒成為行動者發展新認同與創新社會模式的基礎，但是在想望更具包容性的地方社會時，卻無從進一步參與討論那些產業遭遇的空間排除。特別是近年推行的中正萬華復興計畫，正以中產白領的城市生活規劃，企圖景觀化地方，帶動地產開發，勞動產業及其相關的生活支持系統受到相當程度的威脅，但當前的規劃體制難以由下而上參與，發展更具社會可持續性的都市再生。然而，本研究並非要浪漫化這些邊緣產業，雖然這些產業與其發展的支持系統扶持了地方人的生計，但其生產過程中產生的負面外部性和負面觀感是不爭的事實，因此在地方性建構的規劃或文化討論上成為曖昧難言的存在。再者，本研究也絕非反對都市再生，而是透過揭露這樣的地方文化與社會現實來反省規畫體制的侷限，以及該如何發展更具包容性的都市規劃。

關鍵字

空間化文化；都市邊緣性；空間排除；生活支持系統；地方營造

並列摘要

In this study, I engage with the theorization of spatializing culture as an analytic tool to discuss not only how the production and the construction of the (Taipei) city marginalize and stigma Ka-la̍h-á, but also how emerging new-type local actions reconstruct locality. Without much concern for the continuous spatial marginalization of Ka-la̍h-á, the government and other non-state actors participate in the regeneration of Ka-la̍h-á through strategies that have intended or unintended effects on place-making, such as endangering the landscape of community business and the everyday life of working class. In this study, the everyday embodiment of three sets of marginalized community business reflects the spatial exclusion of planning system and reveals how labors under the stigma label developed identity broken. Furthermore, those daily labor landscapes provide an alternative culture perspective to reveal the constant negotiation and contradictory cultural and spatial argument, when locality is going to reconstruct narratives and networks in the future. Ka-la̍h-á had experienced rapid urbanization in Post-War, and became a habitat of the under-class immigrants in a passive planning. Because of the lack of care in municipal planning for many years, the infrastructure of Ka-la̍h-á had become relatively backward so it had turned into an urban blight. Until 1970s, from a series of coincidences and power struggles, the government implemented large-scale public infrastructure rapidly in Ka-la̍h-á without a comprehensive plan. Ka-la̍ h-á met the clean and tidy expectation of the modern city, but had gone toward a development of marginalized. The everyday embodiment of local labors magnified the inequity of planning politics. Those labors survived in nooks and evolved flexible sustaining systems, such as waste collecting system, printing industry , and fruit and vegetable processing industry. They use their body and flexible spatial strategies to make profits, also maintain the social relationship and support the operation of production throughout the city. The view of embodied space reflects that mainstream always positioning Ka-la̍h-á as an urban service role, and eliminating its local fabric through various spatial policies, making the sense of place lose its material spatial attachment and become fragmented. Also the mainstream keeps stigmalizing the industries and environments there, and make people in Ka-la̍h-á in a dilemma of the identity of place. Recently, new-type of local actions not only reconstructed the path of narratives of place, but also the networks of society. Narratives of the place have reversed the narratives of stigma, giving Ka-la̍ h-á a new identity of subjectivity and let the local youths resolve the previous contradiction with their hometown. The reconstructing social networks emphasizes that people help each other and benefit each other. Local people take care of locality, forming a new local sustaining system. It also takes care of the marginalized community business labors indirectly. That is the marginal place became a base of actors to develop a new identity and innovate new social models. In a hope of a more inclusive local society, these actors can’t have further discussion of the issue of spatial exclusion encountered by those businesses. Especially, Zhong-zheng Wan-hua Revival Project, which is initiating recently, attempts to landscapelize place and drives real estate developments. It threats those businesses and the sustaining system of those labors in urban life. Neither the planning system nowadays be carried out with bottom-up participation, nor develops an urban regeneration with social sustainability. This study, however, is not to attempt to romanticize those marginalized community businesses. Though those businesses and the sustaining systems support the place, the negative externality and impression from production processing is a fact with no doubt. Therefore, it becomes an unspeakable and ambiguous situation in the planning of local construction or culture discussion. Similarly, this study is not opposed to urban regeneration, but it reflects the limit of planning and considers how to have a more inclusive planning by the revelation of this kind of local culture and social reality.