漢語基督教學術論評/Sino-Christian Studies : An International Journal of Bible, Theology & Philosophy
中原大學宗教研究所,正常發行
選擇卷期
- 期刊
The 1890s saw a rapid expansion of mission schools in China, among which a number of theological seminaries were established or enlarged in order to provide Chinese Christian workers with a systematic education, rather than traditional short-term training courses. This paper uses the Theological Institute of the London Missionary Society [LMS] in Tianjin 天津養正聖經學院 (which became the Tientsin Anglo-Chinese College天津新學書院 [TACC] in 1902) as a case study, examining the shift in its educational intentions, perspectives and approaches from 1863 to 1902, in order to explore the factors that caused this shift and the possible impact it had on the students and the nature of mission education, as well as on the evolution of Christianity in China during this period.
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This paper aims at exploring how Confucians of the mid- Qing era viewed Christianity and Western learning. It is widely accepted that the mainstream Confucians before 1840s refused to understand Western religion and learnings because of their steadfast Confucian-centrism or over-emphasis on studying the philology of Confucian classics. However, the rejection or marginalization of Western knowledge was evidently formed in the wake of careful scrutiny instead of predetermined by arbitrary or irrational factors. Significantly, Christianity and Western learning were marginalized by political and academic elites who were active in political reform and were well versed in the art of governance. Our discussion would focus on Huangchao Jingshi Wenbian, or the Collected writings on statecraft from the Qing dynasty, which was compiled by two influential scholar-bureaucrats, He Changling and Wei Yuan. The paper would illustrate how mainstream elites understood Western knowledge and eventually decided to marginalize them through the study of the compilation preference and the articles collected. In the last part, we will examine the marginalization of Western knowledge in early 19th century as reflected in Huangchao Jingshi Wenbian and evaluate the importance of this phenomenon to the 19th century cultural and intellectual history of China.
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英國神學家根頓曾對奥古斯丁展開持久的批判。對於根頓責難的重心—奥古斯丁承襲了柏拉圖主義對多與物質的貶低—尚未有人給出充足回應。本文論證，在創造論的框架下，奥古斯丁發展出有別於柏拉圖主義的思想，即多並非「一」的對立面，因此肯定「一」並不意味著否定多。同樣，奥古斯丁強調，惡的最終源頭不是身體而是靈魂。在此意義上，奥古斯丁並沒有如根頓指責的那樣貶低多，而是最終肯定了多與物質的價值。
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在《上帝之城》中，奧古斯丁將古希臘－羅馬的公民德性視為奴性的恐懼的產物，認為他們所追求的榮譽只是統治慾的面具而已。同時，他指出，古希臘－羅馬哲學中所追求的「無情」非但不是善，反而就是最壞的，因為它是一種心靈不能被任何情感所觸動的麻木狀態。他創造性地用「純潔的恐懼」來表示上帝之城的公民必然以此迴避罪、防範罪的意志，並認為奴性的恐懼是對初人的不服從的正義懲罰，而潔淨的恐懼的本質則是服從，它是上帝賜予的禮物，將會永遠長存。
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李祖白所撰寫的《天學傳概》是引發清初曆獄的重要導火索之一。該書中宣稱中國人始祖是如德亞之苗裔，引起了楊光先的激烈批評。中西關於世界起源的年代學知識，成為反教者與天主教徒辯論的核心。本文對李祖白的生平事蹟、受洗入教時間及其撰寫《天學傳概》的動機進行申述。本文認為李祖白受洗於1622年，1631年前後入曆局，1636年左右由杭州遷籍順天。李祖白並非完全沒有受到儒學薰陶，相反可作為儒家基督徒之一。李祖白撰寫《天學傳概》主要目的是完整介紹天主教歷史，只是沒有顧及到耶儒之差異而成為反教者攻擊之對象。
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Trinitas－三位一體在明清之際的漢譯經過了很長的「改進」歷程。利瑪竇時期尚無正式的譯名；1615年左右，Trinitas被分別表述為一體三位與三位一體；1625年景教碑出土後，三位一體逐漸成為主導的譯介，並形成了「三一」的專名。在Trinitas－三位一體譯名的改進中，由於語法上的誤解，「位」由量詞向名詞「位格」變異，最終成為personae的譯詞，呈現出「作為面具」的含義；並且，為了與佛教的一性三身相區別，傳教士與儒家相結盟，選擇「一體」而非「一性」來翻譯una Substantia，但在實際的內涵上，又把儒家的「一性」作了狹義化的理解，不僅要求「性質一樣」，同時也要求「空間上相連」。Trinitas－三位一體譯名「改進」的歷程，本質上乃是在跨語際跨文化的語境下確立其自身文化身分的過程。