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銘印、協商與抵抗的空間實踐 --由康樂里非自願拆遷重思都市規劃與建築歷史

Spatial Practice of Inscription, Negotiation, and Resistance: Rethinking Urban Planning and Architectural History on the Enforced Relocation of the KanRo Community, Taipei

Advisor : 畢恆達

Abstracts


摘要 本論文以女性主義建築史觀點出發,研究個案為1997年台北市強制拆除的移民社區康樂里。研究聚焦於都市更新、非自願拆遷、當地居民之空間實踐、以及居民如何以社區行動與社區記憶,挑戰主流化的都市規劃與建築歷史。 研究探討四個主要議題:一、貧困移民如何,以及為何在全新的環境中打造適宜其生活的空間,並再現其屬於過往生活的地景記憶?而重現過往記憶新移民社區,其主要的空間形式、居民的自我認同、社區群體關係與新社區的空間意義是什麼?二、這種自力營造的社區,究竟是居民已一己之力,解除政府供屋不足的危機,或者是佔地得利地擠壓公眾利益?政府為什麼企圖以推土機直接摧毀貧困社區,卻不願意提供都市再活化的機制?三、當居民面臨非自願拆遷時,他們必須處理的社會、心理、經濟與生活等衝擊為何?政府如何處理?四、當居民起而抗議,社區力量與社區記憶如何與大歷史過程協商,而轉變成具有抵抗力量的公眾歷史? 本研究為質性研究,研究方法為深度訪談、參與式觀察、歷史資料蒐集。受訪者共48名,包括社區居民38名、社會運動參與者與都市規劃專業者8名、社福人員2名。社區居民平均年齡約為60歲,多半均仰賴社會福利生活。 研究發現如下:一、將早期移民社區等同於貧民窟,在空間規劃上忽略了移民自力造屋與社區營造的過程。因此,都市規劃與建築歷史應正視這種具有活力生機的「自力營造社區」,並以之取代污名化的「都市貧民窟」。二、移民藉著造屋過程將過往記憶以空間形式書寫在新的生活環境之中,因而得以落實自身的認同並與過往相互承繼,但地方政府卻罔顧地方社區的歷史文化,僅以推土機摧毀社區,而不願意改善居民生活環境或提供良好的供屋政策。三、由於記憶與社區網絡均是歷史地累積在各種空間與生活細節之中,因此、當居民面臨非自願拆遷時,其受到的社會、心理、甚至經濟傷害都難以回復。四、居民的生活實踐與抗爭,共同形塑拆遷社區的新地景,且在傳頌中成為其他弱勢社群的共同記憶,而成為公眾歷史。 市民社會具有歷史深度,因而,保存各種不同移民社區的集體記憶,並將其轉化為公眾地景與建築歷史,是在空間規劃上落實市民歸屬與認同,並建立文化多樣的選擇。

Parallel abstracts


Abstract: This dissertation focuses on the relationships between the urban renewal process, the local enforced relocations, and the spatial resistance from the KanRo community, Taipei. The main issues within the article are the place identities to the self-built communities, the social-psychological impacts of the enforced relocations, and the resistant organizations against desconstructions. All of these are discussed in the view of feminism architectural history approach. There are four issues on the research: 1.How and why did the self-built community be build (made) by these residents? Did they take advantages or contribute themselves to the society from using public land? 2.Why the government bulldozed the community instead of revitalize it? 3.What are the social-psychological impacts for the residents when they suffered in the enforced relocations? 4.What are the negotiations and resistance between the community memories and public histories? The research adapted qualitative research methods, including in-depth interviews, participatory observations, and data collections. There were 48 interviewees including 38 community residents, 8 social movement actors and planners, and 2 social workers. The average age of the residents is over 65 and most of them depend on the social welfare for living. The research findings are: 1. We should use “self-built community” to name the so-called urban slum or shantytown for poor people and urban-rural settlements tried to solve the deficient housing and social welfare by work and live together. 2. The government tried to avoid taking responsibilities to support the poor to get enough housing and better environment, instead, it tried to destroy the community to cover urban problems. 3. The enforced relocations desconstructed place attachments, place identities, and the strong connected community. Hence, residents would bring the feeling of loss and unsecured also for more than six years. 4. Though there was systematic neglecting to locally marginal groups, and there were social exclusions and urban gentrifications accompanied with the enforced relocations during planning process, the residents of the KanRo Community still struggled for their rights. Form the view of social movement, there were empowerments under this case of enforced relocations. 1.The enforced relocation made us know the true meanings of the shantytown, as they might be vigorous and supportive communities. 2.The enforced relocation partially shaped the resistant actions. 3.The enforced relocation would make people think what the proper actions that official government could carry under the enforced relocation. 4.The enforced relocations are chances to make community people parts of the public histories. That is the most important part for local people to against globally spatial planning.

References


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