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「黨國」還是「共和國」?-中共政治變遷的一個內在邏輯

Party-State or "Republic"? The Internal Logic of the Chinese Communist Regime's Political Transition

摘要


中共政權在建政之前,曾經採取三三制,與其他政黨共同執政。在「新民主主義」的理論中,雖然強調共產黨的領導,但也強調其他階級的參與。也就是說,在中華人民共和國建立之前,中共對統治的想像仍然存在著一種「共和國邏輯」,也就是以全體「人民」意志爲導向,並以法律(憲法)規範基本政治秩序的一種政治體制。中華人民共和國的憲法中也載明著:「中華人民共和國權力屬於全體人民」。全國人大與各級人大依照此一共和國邏輯代表人民行使國家最高權力。然而,在許多具體的制度當中,中共實際上卻是以黨國邏輯凌駕共和國邏輯,共產黨在實際上才是真正最高權力行使者,一般官員負責的對象是各級黨委,而非人大。此一現象,並不令人驚訝,因爲這是一般共黨國家的共通現象。 比較有趣的是,近年來,中國政治體制的變化中,已經屢屢出現朝向「共和國」邏輯演變的現象。此一現象背後的驅動力有幾個:一個是「憲政論述」的出現,開始認真對待「中華人民共和國」的國家制度,譬如說人大的立法與監督功能。另一個是公民權利意識的逐漸覺醒和網路資訊的傳遞,以及其採取群眾抗議等體制外的政治參與行爲,使得政府官員不能再僅僅向黨負責,而必須開始回應社會的需求與壓力。「共和國邏輯」已經逐漸變成對「黨國邏輯」潛在的挑戰,但「黨國邏輯」卻也清晰意識到這種挑戰,一方面以各種彈性的措施回應,另一方面卻嚴守「黨國邏輯」的最高與最後裁決的位置。 本文擬定從幾種制度變遷的角度來探討此一現象,並與一些既有文獻對話,探討中共黨國威權政權未來可能的變遷方向。

並列摘要


Before the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) founded the People's Republic of China (PRC), it used a ”trio system” in which the Communist Party built a coalition government with other parties and political groups. In the theory of the ”doctrine of new democracy,” although the leadership of the party was paramount, the participation of other classes was also stressed. In other words, before the PRC was established, there was some kind of ”logic of the republic”, that is, a logic directed by the will of people and regulated by the norms provided by the constitution. Article Ⅱ of the constitution of the PRC also stipulates that: ”All power in the People's Republic of China belongs to the people.” According to this article, the People's Congresses at various levels exert supreme power. However, in reality, the CCP is the actual power holder. Usually, the ”logic of the party-state” overrides the ”logic of the republic”, since the CCP holds real supreme power. Officials are ultimately accountable not to the People's Congress, but to the party committee. More interestingly, there have been emerging signs of a return of the ”logic of the republic” in recent years. There are several driving forces behind these signs. The first is the appearance of the ”constitutionalism argument,” which takes seriously the constitutionally stipulated state institutions of the PRC. For example, the supervision function of the People's Congress has been emphasized. Another is the awakening of the consciousness regarding citizens' rights, and the growing influence of the internet in spreading information. These two factors have prompted increasing mass protests and other non-institutional political participation. In facing these challenges, government officials not only have to be accountable to the party, but also to respond to citizens' demands. However, the party-state has been clearly aware that these changes constitute potential challenges to the ”logic of party-state.” The party-state has responded with flexibility on occasions, but ultimately it has resolutely defended its monopoly on power and right to make ultimate political decisions. This article will explore this phenomenon through discussion of several cases of constitutional change. The findings of this article will be put into a dialogue with existing literature on the contemporary Chinese state and regime in order to shed more light on the possible paths of the future transition of China's authoritarian party-state regime.

參考文獻


BBC 中文網,2008,〈上萬中國學者呼籲廢除勞教制度〉,BBC 中文網, http://news.bbc.co.uk/chinese/trad/hi/newsid_7490000/newsid_7497800/7497891.stm,2008/7/9。
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人民網,2008a,〈為甚麼不敢召開取消漫遊費聽證會〉,轉載自北京青年報, http://it.people.com.cn/GB/42891/42895/6765735.html ,2008/1/13
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