「一VP」常於偏正結構「一VP_1就VP_2」用做後接事件(VP_2)的「參考時間」(reference time)(Reichenbach 1947);此外「一VP」也包含一個事件,並由時間副詞「一」傳達完成體概念:完成事件中某個臨界點。據此,凡事件結構帶有「端點」(張麗麗、陳克健與黃居仁1999)的動詞都可進入「一VP」;惟狀態動詞若擔任「恆態謂語」(individual predicate)(如:快樂等),則因事件結構不具有可完成的端點故無法成立,「暫態謂語」(stage-level predicate)(如:高興等)則無此問題。「一VP」也可用於句末,惟「一」則用以計量「事件論元」(event argument)(Davidson 1967),與前述非結句情況不同。從歷時發展來看,原用做數詞的「一」受到「一VP」與後接VP的關係由並列轉作偏正所致,並受到:1.推論2.類推3.重新分析等機制影響進而語法化(grammaticalization)(Hopper and Traugott 2003)為時間副詞。
This paper aims to investigate the '一VP' construction in Mandarin Chinese. '一VP' is usually found in the co-subordination structure '一VP_1 就VP_2' and serves as the reference time of VP_2. Besides, '一VP' also refers to an event and '一' serves as an adverb of time denoting completion. The '一VP' construction is incompatible with individual-level predicates such as 快樂 but compatible with stage-level predicates such as 高興 since individual-level predicates do not contain time points. The construction '一VP' can occur in the sentence-final position, e.g. 值得一提; however, in this case '一' is used to calculate the event argument. Lastly, the numeral '一' undergoes grammaticalization from a numeral to an adverb of time. Three mechanisms are involved in the change in addition to subjectivity and intersubjectivity: (1) inference, (2) analogy and (3) reanalysis.