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戰後台灣「外省」菁英的台獨主張-從雷震到張忠棟的類型分析

"Non-Taiwan-born Chinese" Elite's Post-WWII Advocacy of Taiwan Independence: A Type Analysis from Lei Zhen to Zhang Zhongdong

摘要


從謝聰敏自述其1964年撰寫〈台灣自救宣言〉的過程中,如何受到外省籍教授殷海光的影響,吾人可以感知從自由主義出發銜接民族主義──「心同理同」的可能。1970年出獄後的雷震提出〈救亡圖存獻議〉,中有「從速宣布成立『中華台灣民主國』」的主張;而1971年中華民國失去國際地位的時候,外交部次長楊西崑向駐華大使馬康衛(Walter P.McConaughy)建議以「中華台灣共和國」作為出路;再次,台大歷史系教授張忠棟從聯合報系的中國論壇派,在1989年鄭南榕自焚以後轉向,替葉菊蘭的台獨主張辯護,更是貼近解嚴之後、民主化台灣的政治現實。以上這些「台獨」主張,不論是從自由主義的信仰推演而來、或是基於政府對人民的責任、或是共同生活相當一段時間之後「與時俱進」所產生的思想,皆來自「外省菁英」,本文嘗試整理出戰後台灣「外省菁英」之台獨主張的緣由或「類型分析」,一方面可以打破「本省人」才主張台獨的刻板印象,一方面剛好可以藉之檢討今日中華民國政府在民進黨執政下,台灣是否已經獨立、還須怎樣獨立的問題。

並列摘要


From his account of the drafting of the 1964 "Declaration of Taiwan's Self-Help"(「台灣自救宣言」), we can see not only how Xie Congmin(謝聰敏) was influenced by "Non-Taiwan-born Chinese" Professor Yin Haiguang(殷海光), but also sense the possibility of relating liberalism to nationalism---in light of "sympathetic/empathetic feeling of the mind/heart"or the similar psychological and reasoning process. As a sequel of sorts, in the wake of his release from the prison in 1970, Lei Zhen(雷震), in his"Survival Salvation Proposal"(「救亡圖存獻議」), had followed and included the idea of "promptly announcing the establishment of a 'Chinese Taiwan Democratic Nation "(「中華台灣民主國」). Shortly, when the Republic of China had lost its international status in the U.N. in 1971, the Vice Minister of Foreign Affairs Yang Xikun(楊西崑), even suggested the U.S Ambassador to China, R.O.C., Walter P. McCaughy, that the "Chinese Republic of Taiwan" should be used as the way out. To go further down this road, once again, Zhang Zhongdong(張忠棟), a professor in the Department of History at National Taiwan University, who, after the self-immolation event of Cheng Nan-rong(鄭南榕) in 1989, had finally decided to turn away from his previous pro-China position associated with the China Forum of the United Daily News to come to that of the bereaved Widow Ye Julan (葉菊蘭), joining her in advocating Taiwan's independence. Arguably, such a stand was even closer to the democratized political reality after the lifting of the Martial law. The above-mentioned "Taiwan Independence" propositions, whether it was derived from liberal beliefs or based on the government's responsibility to the people, or even the idea of "keeping abreast with the times" resulting from having had a common life together in a place for a period, had all come from "Non-Taiwan-born (Mainland) Chinese" elites. Through the type analysis approach, this article attempts to sort out their reasons for so advocating in the post-WWII Taiwan. By so doing, this might help break up the stereotype that only "Taiwanese"had been, were, or are for Taiwan Independence.On the other hand, it can also be taken as a review of whether the government of Republic of China under the present leadership of the Democratic Progressive Party has already been independent or how such an independence it really is.

參考文獻


李慶榮,〈張忠棟的文章值得國人嚴重注意〉,《中華雜誌》第 175 期(1978 年 2月),頁 37-40。
侯立朝,〈聯經集團三報一刊的七大「政綱」〉,《中華雜誌》第 173 期(1977 年12 月),頁 15-19。
胡適,〈從爭取言論自由談到反對黨〉,《自由中國》第 18 卷第 11 期(1958 年 6月 1 日),頁 9-10。
殷海光,〈反攻大陸問題〉,收入《全集‧政治與社會(上)》(台北:桂冠圖書公司,1990 年),頁 511-518。
殷海光,〈我對於在野黨的基本建議〉,《自由中國》第 23 卷第 2 期(1960 年 7月 16 日),頁 12。

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