卡群布農語雙重施用結構的句法研究

On the Double Applicatives in Takibakha Bunun

施朝凱(Chao-Kai SHIH) ； 全茂永(Atul MANQOQO)

《臺灣語文研究》 12卷1期 (2017/04) Pp. 111-159

https://doi.org/10.6710/JTLL.201704_12(1).0004

摘要

本文論證卡群布農語的雙重施用結構是由提升施用及論旨施用組成。因此我們的研究支持Georgala等人（2008）所提出的虛/實施用分類。區分虛/實施用還可以解釋為何該語言典型的三元謂語不出現雙重施用結構，因為這將導致兩個虛施用一同出現，從而使得同一個論元在句法操作上被認可兩次，造成冗餘。我們還進一步提出，卡群布農語之所以不允許施用結構出現於主事和受事焦點句，也不允許非主事焦點句出現多重施用結構，主要是因為施用主要語無法認可結構及固有格位；這項假設還可以用來解釋為何卡群布農語的施用論元必須是主語。此外，我們認為卡群布農語的虛施用詞組的位置較高，以輕動詞詞組為補語。

關鍵字

施用結構 ； 虛/提升施用 ； 實/論旨施用 ； 多重施用 ； 雙重施用結構 ； 施用論元

並列摘要

It is argued in this paper that the double applicative construction in Takibakha Bunun consists of a thematic applicative and a expletive/raising applicative. This paper, therefore, provides support for Georgala et al.'s (2008) proposal on applicatives. Moreover, under this theory the same applied argument will be syntactically licensed twice if two expletive applicatives co-occur in the same clause domain, which results in redundancy. And that is why in Takibakha the double applicatives involving typical ditransitives are never attested. Furthermore, it is proposed that the Takibakha applicative heads license neither structural nor inherent Case, which accounts for the following syntactic restrictions on the applicatives observed in this language: i) the co-occurrence of applicatives is illicit in the AV and PV contexts; ii) the stacking of an expletive applicative and a thematic applicative is licit but the stacking of two thematic applicatives is not; iii) the applied arguments must be subjects. Lastly, it is argued that the applicatives in Takibakha are base-generated higher, merged between T and v.

並列關鍵字

applicative construction ； expletive/raising applicative ； thematic applicative ； multiple applicatives ； double applicatives ； applied argument

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