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  • 學位論文

中共黨務與經濟領導幹部甄補路徑之比較:1992-2009年

The Comparison of Chinese Elite Recruitment between Party Cadres and Economic Technocrats:1992-2009

指導教授 : 寇健文

摘要


本文從政權目標的角度切入,探討中共在維持共黨執政地位的主要目標,以及維持經濟發展的次要目標下,黨務機關與經濟技術官僚菁英甄補模式之異同,以及由此所形成的菁英群體圖像。 本文以1992至2009年間核心黨務機關、宏觀調控與專業經濟管理部門(簡稱經濟相關部門)兩個體系副部級以上領導幹部為研究對象,從跨系統橫向比較與時間縱向比較兩個面向,針對渠等個人、專業與政治條件,以及流入來源、流出去向、職業生涯發展軌跡等進行分析,主要結論為: 中共對於兩個體系幹部採取不同的甄補標準,且渠等之流入來源大體都以同系統為主,核心黨務機關幹部來源多集中在各類黨務機關或黨職,經濟相關部門幹部則集中來自經濟相關部門,且一旦幹部進入各自體系後,在系統內職務異動的機率甚高,系統之間的交流程度低,形成幾乎是各自獨立的二元甄補管道。 在二元甄補管道下,雖然均強調「又紅又專」,但兩個部門體系對於紅與專的要求卻有明顯的差異。在核心黨務部門中,政治條件的門檻較經濟相關部門來得高,對於學識專業的要求亦有升高趨勢;至於在經濟相關部門中,專業條件要求較核心黨務部門嚴格,而政治條件則稍微寬鬆。此情況反映在維持共黨執政地位及經濟發展的主要與次要政權目標下,核心黨務部門主要被賦予和維持共黨執政地位相關的任務,幹部的篩選以政治條件為重,但專業條件在幹部「四化」等提升幹部素質的要求下亦必須具備一定的水準;經濟相關部門主要被賦予追求經濟發展的任務,故與市場經濟專業相關之條件要求較高,政治條件則可適度放寬,惟仍須保持一定之門檻,避免因追求經濟發展目標而損及共黨執政地位。 再從時間序列觀察,1992年至2009年間,核心黨務機關對於幹部政治條件的標準不僅沒有放鬆,甚至有略為嚴格的徵兆;在經濟相關部門中,雖然政治條件的標準一向較核心黨務機關寬鬆,但是就其本身而言,這十八年來並沒有太大的改變,突顯出在中共維持其長期執政地位的目標未變下,幹部甄補的政治條件並不會隨著時間的變遷而鬆動。此外,兩個系統幹部的專業條件都趨於嚴格,顯然鄧小平提出之幹部「四化」標準已被貫徹至各個體系,加上後續領導人的持續推動與施行,使中共的菁英甄補逐漸朝向制度化的方向發展。

並列摘要


After the reform and opening to the outside world in 1978, the Chinese Communist Party has two main regime goals. The first and the most important one is to maintain the status of ruling party, and the second one is to pursue economic development, especially the market economy. The purpose of this dissertation is to compare the recruitment patterns of the Chinese party cadres and economic technocrats through the viewpoint of regime goals. The targets include the top leaders above the vice ministerial level in these two political systems from 1992 to 2009. The main conclusions are: CPC adopts different standards to recruit cadres of these two systems, and the cadres almost transfer in the same system once they entering the party organs or the economic-related departments. The possibility of the position exchanges between the systems is very low and forms an almost independent promotion route, which is called elite dualism. Under elite dualism, the qualifications of these two systems are very different although “both red and expert” is stressed. As to party cadres, the criteria of political credentials are higher and the professional demands increase as well. As to economic technocrats, the professional requirements are more rigorous and the political credentials are a little loose when compare to the party cadres. It is obviously that CPC select leading cadres with different standards according to the missions of the systems, and the missions of the political systems are of course originating from CPC’s regime goals. The main tasks of party organs are maintaining the CPC ruling status and the duties of economic-related departments are sustaining the economic development. CPC takes different recruitment standards in order to ensure that the selected political elites fit in with the need of diverse systems and the regime goals can achieve smoothly.

參考文獻


寇健文,2004,《中共菁英政治的演變:制度化與權力轉移1978-2004》,台北:五南。
寇健文,2007,〈既重用又防範的菁英甄補:中共海歸派高官的仕途發展與侷限〉,《中國大陸研究》,第50卷第3期,頁1-28。
寇健文,2007,〈胡錦濤時代團系幹部的崛起:派系考量vs.幹部輸送的組織任務〉,《遠景基金會季刊》,第8卷第4期,頁49-95。
寇健文、陳方隅,2009,〈1978年以後中共財經高官的政治流動:特徵與趨勢〉,《政治學報》,第47期,頁59-103。
寇健文、黃霈芝、潘敏,2006,〈制度化對中共菁英甄補之影響:評估十七大政治局的新人選〉,《東亞研究》,第37卷第2期,頁1-38。

被引用紀錄


江柏翰(2015)。以路徑依賴觀點看中共共青團實力——從十六大至十八大〔碩士論文,國立臺灣大學〕。華藝線上圖書館。https://doi.org/10.6342/NTU.2015.01930
邵智偉(2011)。中國大陸省級領導人仕途發展的制度化,1993-2010:以個人特徵與經濟表現為焦點之分析〔碩士論文,國立臺灣大學〕。華藝線上圖書館。https://doi.org/10.6342/NTU.2011.02180

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