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  • 學位論文

論中共十九大後對台政策之持續與變遷

The Continuality and Changes of the CPC’s poicy toward Taiwan (2013-2019) and its Impact on the Cross –Strarit Relations

指導教授 : 潘錫堂
共同指導教授 : 龔春生(Dr.Michael Kon)

摘要


臺海兩岸自1949年分立分治以來,雙方各自經歷了不同時期的世代接班與政黨論替,彼此也在相當長的一段時間內,各自宣稱自己是代表中國的唯一合法政權,且主權及憲法含括於整個中國。由於時空環境的變遷與國際局勢的變革,兩岸關係的發展、糾葛也隨著國際環境的改變,與歷史洪流的沉澱而「與時俱進」 兩岸關係對我國的國家安全、經濟發展、外交及內政上都有關鍵性影響,其變化甚至會牽動東亞的局勢與國際關係的穩定,正因如此,兩岸關係的議題一直是國內外關注的焦點。 2012年11月召開中國共產黨第十八屆全國代表大會,象徵著中國習近平時代的到來。習近平正式接任中共黨總書記一職,宣示了以習近平為首的第五代領導班子正式上任,建立了以習近平為總書記的中央集體領導。在「兩會」(全國人民代表大會會議和中國人民政治協商會議全國委員會會議)後,習近平正式接任國家主席及軍委主席,完成「三位一體」的權力接班;中共十八大報告涉臺部分,首次將堅持「九二共識」和維護「一中框架」寫入黨的綱領性文件。其中「九二共識」是兩岸兩會復談基礎,以中共立場而言,這是過去胡錦濤時代國共兩黨在兩岸關係達成的成果。「一中框架」則是兩岸進行政治定位發展過程的基礎。 中共「第十九次全國代表大會」在2017年10月24日閉幕,黨章修正案通過寫入「習近平新時代中國特色社會主義思想」,習近平的對臺政策清楚指明和平岸一家親之溫情喊話及諸多惠台措施,單邊措施的意圖十分明顯。統一及一國兩制,一方面高舉民族主義大旗,另一方面展現反台獨堅決的能力,除此之外,也有基於兩岸一家親之溫情喊話及諸多惠台措施,單邊措施的意圖十分明顯。 本文主要透過文獻分析法,藉由中國大陸「十八大」至「十九大」間的對台政策在政策內涵、人事布局、後續對台政策影響等方面的解析,了解中共對台政策的持續與變遷及其未來對台政策的可能方向。

並列摘要


Since the separation of the two sides of the Taiwan Strait in 1949, both sides have gone through succession and political substitution in different periods, and each side has claimed to be the only legitimate regime representing China for quite a long time, with sovereignty and constitution included in China as a whole. Due to the change of time and space environment and the change of international situation, the development and entanglement of cross-strait relations have also changed with the change of international environment and the precipitation of historical torrents. The "keeping pace with the times" cross-strait relations have a key impact on China's national security, economic development, diplomacy and internal affairs, and their changes will even affect the situation in East Asia. For this reason, the issue of cross-strait relations has always been the domestic international focus of attention. The 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China was held in November 2012, symbolizing the arrival of Xi Jinping's era in China. Xi Jinping formally took over the post of General Secretary of the Communist Party of China, declared that the fifth generation of leading group headed by Xi Jinping took office formally, and established the central collective leadership with Xi Jinping as General Secretary. After the "two sessions" (the National People's Congress and the National Committee of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference), Xi Jinping formally succeeded the President of the State and the Chairman of the Military Commission to complete the "Trinity" succession of power. For the first time, the report of the 18th National Congress of the CPC adhere to the "1992 Consensus" and maintain the "One China Framework". Among them, the "92 Consensus" is the basis for the resumption of talks between the two sides. From the standpoint of the Communist Party of China, it is the result of the relations between the Chinese Nationalist Party and the Communist Party in the past Hu Jintao era. The "One China Framework" is the basis for the development of cross-strait political positioning. The Nineteenth National Congress of the Communist Party of China closed on October 24, 2017. The amendment to the Constitution of the Communist Party of China passed "Xi Jinping's Thought of Socialism with Chinese Characteristics in the New Era". Xi's Taiwan policy clearly indicates peaceful reunification and one country, two systems. .On the other hand, the flag of nationalism is held high, and on the other hand, it demonstrates the ability to resist Taiwan independence. In addition, there are also some warm-hearted calls from the two sides of the strait and many measures to benefit Taiwan. The intention of unilateral measures is very obvious. Through document analysis, this paper mainly analyzes the persistence and change of the CPC's Taiwan policy and its possible direction in the future through the analysis of the policy implications, personnel layout and the impact of the follow-up policy between the 18th and 19th National Congresses of the Chinese mainland.

參考文獻


參考書目
一、專書
王文科,《教育研究法》 〈臺北:五南書局,2001年3月〉,頁86。
朱浤源,《撰寫博碩士論文手冊》,〈台北市:正中書局,2010年10月〉,頁182。
呂亞力,《政治學方法論》,〈臺北:三民書局,1997年2月〉,頁24。

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