學術資源分配的政治分析：以2008-2017年中國大陸國家社科基金計畫為例

威權國家為了維繫其領導地位，往往會使用「壓迫」與「攏絡」的手段維護政權穩定，中國大陸作為威權國家之一，本文從學術場域中的國家知識份子關係切入觀察。中共中央宣傳部於1986年設立的「國家社科基金」，至今仍是中國大陸社會科學研究首要的學術經費來源，本文以2008年至2017年間的國家社科基金計畫作為研究對象，依循「恩庇─侍從」關係與可接受的威權主義等相關理論視角，以資源分配的運作邏輯來測量國家知識份子關係，分析國家社科基金中國家知識份子關係的攏絡結構。本文研究發現，一方面，國家透過評選制度與《課題指南》的意識形態篩選，選擇性地挹注學術資源給西部地區、青年學者與重點高校；另一方面，由於社科學者的研究經費、生計、升遷考核與學術地位與是否獲得國家社科基金息息相關，使得學者自願性地與國家意識形態靠攏，主動接受國家的攏絡。本文亦透過比較兩任領導人時期，國家社科基金計畫的分配狀況、《課題指南》變遷與管理機構改革，呈現出國家知識份子關係的收緊趨勢。

關鍵字

國家社科基金；學術資源分配；攏絡；恩庇侍從關係；國家知識份子關係

並列摘要

In authoritarian regimes, repression and co-optation are essential for governments to maintain political order. Following the approaches of Patron-clientelism and Accepting Authoritarianism, this article examines how Chinese government, one of authoritarian regimes, has effectively tackled the relationship with intellectuals by co-optation. The National Social Science Fund of China (NSSFC), guided by the Central Propaganda Department, is the major academic resource of social science in China. Through an analysis of NSSFC projects from 2008 to 2017, this article illustrates the co-opting structure and clientelistic mechanism within state-intellectual relationships and analyzes the selective allocation of academic resources and the responses from intellectuals. The results show that: (1) young scholars and scholars in the western area and “National Key University” (such as Project 985 and Project 211 universities) would be strongly favored by the state; (2) the approval of NSSFC projects would significantly affect the scholars’ promotion, academic performance, additional research funding and personal income. Besides, the results also demonstrate the variations of academic resource distribution among different leaders in China.