噶哈巫語音韻研究

A Study of Kaxabu Phonology

林鴻瑞(Lim, Hong Sui)

指導教授 ： 黃慧娟

國立清華大學/人文社會學院/語言學研究所/碩士(2016年)

摘要

噶哈巫語為臺灣南島語言之一，分布於南投縣埔里鎮守城、蜈蚣崙、大湳、牛眠山，合稱四庄。本研究旨在歸納與分析當代噶哈巫語的音段系統與重音系統。
　　我們歸納當代噶哈巫語音段系統，並聚焦探討喉塞音、滑音、中元音音位歸屬的問題，並建立滑音與中元音為音位。我們調查老新派差異，歸納五項差異。噶哈巫語主要的語音變化為閃音丟失，閃音丟失影響了其他音段、音節數，也影響了音高。
　　噶哈巫語音韻的特殊性在於音高。首音節有四種音高，包括低調、中調、高調、升調。末音節有三種音高，包括高調、中調、降調。我們發現形成各種音高的原因包括音節重量、韻尾輔音、音節數、閃音丟失，除了首音節高調與升調具有對比，其餘皆為互補分布，有規則可循。我們也發現噶哈巫語末音節音高發生由降調轉變為高調的音高變化，除了年邁發音人仍一致讀為降調，其餘皆已普遍讀為高調。
　　噶哈巫語音高有兩種類型。「首音節低調」類型為雙音節 [低.高]、三音節 [低.中.高]、四音節 [低.高.低.高]、五音節 [低.高.低.中.高]；「首音節高調」類型為雙音節 [高.高]、三音節 [高.低.高]、四音節 [高.低.中.高]、五音節 [高.低.高.低.高]。高調表示重音。我們採取優選理論為架構，認為重音位置是經由數個可能相互衝突的制約互動的結果。釐清制約的排序階層，即可成功掌握噶哈巫語兩種類型所有重音的位置。

關鍵字

滑音 ； 中元音 ； 閃音丟失 ； 重音音高 ； 重音系統 ； 音高對比

並列摘要

Kaxabu, one of extant Formosan languages, still unofficially recognized by the government, is located in four villages of Shou-Cheng (守城), Wu-Gong-Lun (蜈蚣崙), Da-Nan (大湳), and Niu-Mian-Shan (牛眠山) in Puli Township, Nantou County, Taiwan. The aim of this thesis is to provide a thorough description and analysis of the phonemic inventory and stress system in contemporary Kaxabu.
I discuss whether the glottal stop, glides, and mid vowels are phonemes in Kaxabu or not. I collected data from different consultants in four villages to show sound differences. The main sound changes in Kaxabu is flap loss. Flap loss affect other segments, syllables, and pitch.
The Kaxabu pitch system is particular. There are four pitches in initial syllable, (low, mid, high, raising), and three pitches in final syllable (high, mid, falling), whereby the high pitch corresponds to stress in Kaxabu. Three factors are responsible for the use of a different pitch in initial syllable, (i) syllable weight, (ii) numbers of syllables, (iii) flap loss. Low, mid, and high pitches are in complementary distribution. Only raising and high are contrastive. I also found pitch change from falling to high in Kaxabu. Though most of my consultants speak with a high pitch, my oldest consultant has a falling pitch in the same environment.
There are two types of pitch in Kaxabu. “Initial syllable low” type, whereby the first syllable is low: two syllables [L.H], three syllables [L.M.H], four syllables [L.H.L.H], five syllables [L.H.L.M.H] and “initial syllable high” type, whereby the first syllable is high: two syllables [H.H], three syllables [H.L.H], four syllables [H.L.M.H], five syllables [H.L.H.L.H]. To solve the problems encountered with the distribution of pitch in different syllable types, I adopt the Optimality Theory framework. The observed surface forms arise from the interaction between conflicting constraints. By ranking different universal constraints, we can capture the position of stress of in the two types of pitch patterns in Kaxabu.

並列關鍵字

glides ； mid vowels ； flap loss ； pitch of stress ； stress system ； pitch contrast

參考文獻

Li, Paul Jen-kuei. 1980. The phonological rules of Atayal dialects. Bulletin of the Institute of History and Philology Academia Sinica 51.2:349-405.

鄭怡婷. 2009. 《論當代平埔族群主體性的構成：以埔里噶哈巫為例》。南投：國立暨南國際大學人類學研究所碩士論文。

Blust, Robert, and Stephen Trussel. In progress. Austronesian comparative dictionary. Accessible at http://www.trussel2.com/ACD.

Blust, Robert. 1999a. Subgrouping, circularity and extinction: Some issues in Austronesian comparative linguistics. In Selected papers from the Eighth international conference on Austronesian linguistics, ed. by Elizabeth Zeitoun and Paul Jen-kuei Li, 31-94. Symposium Series of the Institute of Linguistics (Preparatory Office), no.1. Taipei: Academia Sinica.

Blust, Robert. 1999b. Notes on Pazeh phonology and morphology. Oceanic Linguistics 38.2:321-365.