尼泊爾語的格位與呼應系統

Case and Agreement in Nepali

陳冠瑜(Chen, Guan yu)

指導教授 ： 廖秀娟

國立清華大學/人文社會學院/語言學研究所/碩士(2014年)

摘要

尼泊爾語的格位和呼應系統具有豐富的歧異性和高度的複雜性。本篇論文旨在探討尼泊爾語的格位與呼應系統。即便在過去些許文獻中曾經介紹過屬於分裂作格性 (split-ergative) 的尼泊爾語的格位和呼應系統的典型類型，很少有研究討論各種典型和非典型的型式。
尼泊爾語的格位系統將用潘恩(Payne1997, 2006)對S (單一論元句中的唯一名詞性論元)、A (多論元句中施事者類型的論元) 和O (多論元句中受事者類型的論元)的定義，以及迪克森(Dixon)1979，1994，2010年的分裂作格性的四個條件因素來檢測。語言的表現形式使用四個條件因素是時式、語態、動詞語意，句子狀態來分析，在本篇研究中被分類為兩組格位的型式：(一) Ss和As在分裂條件因素的表現、(二) 例外的格位型式。
本篇研究的結論如下。首先，在典型的分裂作格的型式中，分裂的條件定義為時態/時貌之分，也就是說，在A在過去式以作格 -le 標記，但在非過去式中則無標記 (unmarked); 相反地，S和O在過去式和非過去式均無標記。其次，主詞異相標記 (differential subject marking)的現象包含：(一) 及物句主語在過去式呈現無標、(二)及物句主語在非過去式以作格標記、(三) 不及物句主語以作格標記。最後，在受詞異相標記 (differential object marking)中，O可能根據希爾弗斯坦(Silverstein)1976的「有生性階層」的限制使用與格 -lai 標記。
此外，尼泊爾語呈現了相偕性 (concord)，以及主述呼應 (sentence-level agreement/ subject verb agreement)的現象。然而，在其它的呼應系統中，發現了三個違反主述呼應的例外結構：(一) 以與格為主語的結構、 (二) 表義務的結構、 (三) 被動結構。一般來說，動詞傾向於呼應第三人稱雄性單數的個體。然而，動詞也可能呼應第三人稱雌性的個體，或是第一人稱與第二人稱複數的個體。

關鍵字

格位 ； 呼應系統 ； 分裂作格性 ； 尼泊爾語

並列摘要

Nepali shows rich diversity and high complexity of case and agreement patterns. This thesis thus aims to investigate case and agreement patterns in Nepali. Although a few studies have introduced typical types of split-ergative case-marking and agreement system in Nepali, few studies have determined both typical and atypical patterns.
Nepali case marking system is examined in this work by using Payne (1997, 2006)’s definition of S (the only nominal argument of a single-argument clause), A (agent-like argument of a multi-argument clause), and O (patient-like arguments of a multi-argument clause), and Dixon’s (1979, 1994, 2010) four conditioning factors of split-ergativity, i.e. tense, mood, semantics of verb, and the status of a clause. Two types of phenomena are discussed in terms of these conditions: (i) Ss and As under splitting conditions, and (ii) atypical case marking under splitting conditions.
The important findings of this study are as follows. First, split-ergative case-marking patterns are conditioned by tense/aspect. That is, the A is marked by the ergative marker -le in the past tense, but A receives a nominative case (i.e. a zero marking) in the non-past tense. However, tense does not affect the marking of S and O. S and O keep unmarked in both the past and non-past tenses.
Second, differential subject case-marking patterns are found in Nepali. More specifically, (i) A is unmarked in the past tense; (ii) A is marked by the ergative marker in the non-past tense; and (iii) S is marked by the ergative marker. Moreover, in the differential object case-marking pattern, O may be marked by the dative marker -lai, which is conditioned by Animacy Hierarchy proposed by Silverstein (1976) .
Finally, Nepali shows concord (of numerals, possessors, and adjectives) and S/A verb agreement in canonical agreement patterns. However, exceptions to the generalization of S/A agreement are found in three types of constructions: (i) dative subject construction; (ii) obligational mood construction; and (iii) passive construction. In general, in these constructions, verbs tend to agree with the third person singular masculine entity. However, exceptions are also found in that verbs may agree with a third person singular feminine, a first person plural, and a second person plural entities.

並列關鍵字

case ； agreement ； split-ergativity ； Nepali

參考文獻

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Bossong, Georg. 1991. Differential object marking in Romance and beyond. In New analyses in Romance linguistics, Selected Papers from the XVIII Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages 1988, ed. by D. Wanner and D. Kibbee, 143-170. Amsterdam: Benjamins.

Clark, Thomas Welbourne. 1963. Introduction to Nepali: A first-year language course. Cambridge: W. Heffer and Sons Ltd.