為何「調研」兩字能夠讓一個山間聚落的農婦理解到千里以外學者來訪的用意?本論文從這樣的疑問出發,試圖理解到底「調查與研究」為何能夠在當代中國深入老百姓的腦中。為了解決這個疑問,本論文從毛澤東調查的起點出發,沿著廣東、尋烏再到延安,追尋調查文化如何透過毛澤東引進到中國共產黨。除序章結論,全文共分三章。第一章,透過毛澤東農講所的經歷到《尋鄔調查》文本的形成,點出共產黨調查本身邏輯的特殊性;第二章則以長征後毛澤東如何運用「調查」建構路線正當性奪權,並藉由延安整風將調查文化的引進至中國共產黨中;最後,以1947到1948年晉綏土改中所發生不斷調查的反應與結果作為調查文化的實踐。透過三個環節一探中國共產黨調查文化的形成經過以及運用過程。 本論文之貢獻,最直接來說除了提供一套有別於中共自身對於調查文化形成的論述外。更重要的或許是在於解明為何在中國「調查」能被上升如此重要的原因以及此種論述的突破口。毛澤東並非黨內唯一作調查的人,為何他的調查如此重要?「沒有調查沒有發言權」這句話背後的脈絡與意涵又是如何在該篇文章完成後接近10年才被發揚?能夠解決問題的共產黨,透過調查到底是解決了誰的問題?本文透過以上的疑問對於中共的官方論述產生質疑,以此開展出本論文的結構。期能對於中共調查文化以及毛主義等研究提供一條新方向。
Since the publication of A Passion for Facts, the discussion about survey culture in modern China seems to have settled down well. However, the survey culture of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) appears to be missing in the book. This thesis is trying to fill in the gap. In the first chapter, I trace Mao’s early footprints of survey and point out CCP’s unique logic by comparing Mao’s survey with local survey. In the second chapter, I focus on the rising of Mao, especially on why “survey” could become the crucial part in Maoism. Then through Yan’an Rectification Movement, the idea of Maoism became rooted in the party members. In the final chapter, I use the case of the 1947-1948 land reform movement in Shanxi-Suiyuan region and compare different surveys conducted in these years. The conflicting results show that the surveys may not be as neutral as they claim to be. In fact, even before the investigation begins, the survey already holds its answer. ‘To seek truth from facts’ may sound more like ‘to seek truth from the need’ in the pratice of CCP’s survey culture. In sum, CCP’s survey has two characteristics: it is a means to justify revolution, and it is also a way to defend Mao and Maoism.