透過您的圖書館登入
IP:3.133.79.70
  • 期刊
  • OpenAccess

我國文化安全戰略的發展模式探討-建構主義的觀點

Discussion on Development Model of ROC Cultural Security Strategy-From the Perspective of Constructivism

摘要


冷戰結束後的複雜國際情勢,使得國際關係安全研究的範圍和議題更為擴展,國際關係相關的安全研究架構已無法滿足研究所需。在過去,文化及認同因素被認為是解釋國際現象的「最後選擇」,但冷戰結束後對文化與認同的研究已經成為國際關係研究的重要課題,而主導國際關係的相關論述諸如「新現實主義」與「新自由主義」等議題也較之以往更為關注。在國際安全研究的觀點和實際均產生重大變化的同時,台灣的安全環境的轉變亦隨之而起,新的安全議題也不斷的出現。本文嘗試透過國際關係「建構主義」中對於文化與認同因素的分析,一方面重新檢視國際關係安全研究的演變和趨勢;同時探究文化及認同因素對於台灣國家安全所產生的影響。以溫特(Alexander Wendt)為代表的建構主義學派, 強調國際政治體系的結構與「新現實主義」的結構不同,是一種社會意義上的結構,重視國際體系結構對體系單位的作用。溫特「建構主義」認為國際體系結構不僅對行為體的行為產生影響,同時也塑造了行為體的「身份」(identity)。而基於「共有觀念」所建構的「身份」同時也型塑了行為體的「利益」,針對此點,溫特提出奴隸主與奴隸之間的關係,唯有在一個奴隸制的社會結構中,透過與奴隸的互動關係,從而作出符合其身份的行動。上述的「共有觀念」形成三種無政府狀態文化,包括:「霍布斯文化」、「洛克文化」與「康德文化」,這三種無政府狀態文化的主要特徵為:敵人、競爭者與朋友,並通過三種途徑來達到此目的:通過主權行為體的演變、行為體漸進式的合作及國際勢力轉變「利己的認同」為「集體的認同」。換言之,溫特以為國際社會的無政府狀態並非一成不變,端賴兩個行為體想要形成何種無政府文化關係,亦即兩國主觀上要建立何種「身份」的問題。當我們從國際環境思考台灣安全時,美國與中共的互動已經無可迴避的存在於台灣戰略布局首要考量的決定性因素。而非傳統性安全威脅也對台灣產生重大的影響。兩岸關係就結構現實的觀點來看,其權力分配是極度不均等的,台灣與中共的不平衡之所以維持,是因為外部有美國作為平衡的關鍵角色,而台灣的穩定也幾乎取決於兩岸實力的消長。因此,未來台灣應有的安全戰略思考,即在於了解全球化下的安全環境變化,進行國家體質與政府結構的調整,發揮不對稱戰略的思維,擴大自身的優勢作為,克制敵方的弱點。並且增強台灣硬實力與軟實力的交互應用,影響力與吸引力的建構,強化台灣的正面民主化形象,促進世界輿論認識台灣,並調整國家安全戰略與政策,主動、積極、全方位的釐定因應的作為。

並列摘要


After the cold war, the complex international situation has expanded the scope and range of subjects of international relations and security study. The framework of security study associated with international relations has been unable to meet the needs of researchers. In the past, culture and identity were considered the ”last resort” to explain international phenomenon; however, they have become critical subjects when studying international relations after the cold war. And discourses dominating international relations such as Neorealism and Neoliberalism have received more attention than ever. While the perspectives and reality of international security study underwent dramatic changes, Taiwan's security environment also witnessed a transformation and new security topics have kept appearing. Through the analyses of culture and identity within Constructivism, this paper attempts to review the development and the trend of international security study as well as probes into the impacts of culture and identity on Taiwan's national security. Constructivism advocates (most notably Alexander Wendt) underline that the structure of international political system, unlike Neorealism, has a social significance and emphasizes international system's function on its actors. Wendt argued that international structure not only influences actor's action but its ”identity”. And the ”identity”, based on ”shared idea”, also shapes the interest of actors. Therefore, Wendt proposed master-slave relations: only in a slave society, through the interactions with slaves can one act in accordance with his identity. The abovementioned ”shared idea” forms three cultures of anarchy: culture of Hobbes, culture of Locke and culture of Kant featuring enemies, rivals and friends. And they can be achieved through change of sovereignty action, actors' progressive collaboration and transforming ”egoistic identity” to ”collective identity”. In other words, Wendt believes anarchy is not invariable. It all depends on what kind of anarchy relations do two actors desire to form, or what kind of identity to establish. When considering Taiwan's security within international environment, the interaction between the US and PRC is inevitably the decisive factor and the priority in Taiwan's strategic deployment. Unconventional security threats have posed huge impact on Taiwan. From the constructive practical perspective, power is seen imbalanced in cross-strait relation. The reason the imbalance between Taiwan and PRC sustains is the exterior role played by the US and that Taiwan's stability is nearly decided by the growth and decline of strength of both sides. Hence, Taiwan's future security strategic mindset lies on the change of security environment under globalization so that the country can adjust national structure, exert asymmetrical mindset, expand self-strength and strike at enemy weakness. Meanwhile, Taiwan shall enhance the alternate application of its soft power and hard power, build up its influence and appeal, strengthen democratic image, advance international understanding of Taiwan, revise national strategy and policy and formulate correspondent actions positively, vigorously and comprehensively.

被引用紀錄


謝東龍(2015)。從國家安全論陳水扁與馬英九的大陸政策〔碩士論文,國立中正大學〕。華藝線上圖書館。https://www.airitilibrary.com/Article/Detail?DocID=U0033-2110201614013956

延伸閱讀