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當原住民族傳統慣習遇上國家治理:吉拉米代部落狩獵自主管理制度之橋接策略

Bridging the Indigenous Traditions and State Governance: The Experience from the Establishment of the Hunting Self-Governance System in Cilamitay

摘要


本文呈現花蓮縣富里鄉阿美族吉拉米代部落建立狩獵自主管理機制的經驗與關鍵議題。吉拉米代部落藉由「狩獵管理範圍確立」、「年齡階級制度導入」、「多元組織決策平台建」等過程,彰顯部落的主體性,同時也藉由傳統組織、當代組織、公部門及學術團體等異質群體中相互協商,逐漸橋接地方知識、科學知識與行政規章,進而建立狩獵自主管理的制度與規範。此部落狩獵自治組織由yakuing(傳統部落領袖群或部落委員會)為首成立,並派任sakaputay(年齡階級)中的ciputay階級執行狩獵自主管理事務,讓既有組織能在當代社會發揮作用;同時,其他既有協會、組織、地方民意代表及漢人代表則共同監督狩獵自治組織的運作。本研究發現:(1)過程中,部落成員和政府機關是主要權益關係者,唯他們的定位和工作內容,需不斷隨之調整。(2)應該廣納地方各既有組織並促成實質參與,避免單一協會或組織主導整合其他意見。(3)由受部落信任的專家學者或民間團體協助引介相關資訊,有助部落建立與公部門的溝通與互信。(4)協商過程從部落文化制度出發,將有助找出與當代法令、社會期待和共同知識相符的橋接方式。(5)有鑒於傳統領域仍有其待討論協商的不確定性,狩獵治理範圍可先從無爭議或具排他性的獵場區域,作為嘗試推行之範圍。(6)共同治理的目標應設定唯逐步地將治理權限授權給適合的在地組織,讓自然資源治理落實到政府無法或無力觸及之處。最後,部落狩獵自主管理組織的形塑和制度建立,是一種協商、取捨,涉及到不同知識體系相互理解的過程,無法以一概全,任何部落還是需要回到實踐現場,才能找出合適的治理方式。而吉拉米代案例發展的過程有助降低部落與國家兩者不同本體論對接時的落差。

並列摘要


The present article reported the processes and key issues that arose during the development of the self-governance framework for hunting activity in Cilamitay, an Amis community in Fuli Township, Hualien County. The major developments of constructing this framework included the designation of a hunting management area, the integration of a traditional age-hierarchy system (the sakaputay), and the establishment of a multi-organization decision-making platform. By incorporating groups from various backgrounds, namely local ndigenous cultural and new groups, government agencies and academic representatives, the process not only promoted Amis identity, but also successfully bridged local knowledge, scientific knowledge and present administration regulations. It was decided that the self-governing hunting organization should be established with the traditional tribal leaders (the yakuing; also known as tribal council) appointed as the board of directors and the ciputay (the managerial level of the sakaputay) assigned as the executive body, so both respective groups can directly contribute to this new organization. Other residents, which include existing local groups, regional representatives, and Han Chinese will also be invited to participate. In the present study it was found that: (1) the indigenous community and local governments are key parties during the framework establishing process, and their respective roles and responsibilities will require continual evaluation throughout the whole process; (2) integrating various local groups is essential to avoid bias; (3) communication and trust-building between the two parties can be greatly improved by the involvement of a trustworthy third party (e.g., experts or non-governmental organizations); (4) communication between the different parties during the process should take into account the tribal culture, while adhering to the present legal system, social expectations and ecological knowledge; (5) due to the uncertain outcome of the validation of the Indigenous Traditional Territory, it is recommended that a community should start its management of hunting activity in an area that does not overlap with the hunting activities of other indigenous communities; (6) the transfer of governance authority to the proper local organization will enable effective management practices applied to the designated area. Lastly, because the establishment of the self-governance organization for hunting is an ongoing process of negotiations, as well as mutual understanding among different knowledge systems (i.e., traditional knowledge vs. scientific knowledge), which can be difficult to replicate, it is recommended that each community should stablish their organizations adhering to their own customs and contexts for increased effectiveness. The experience learned from the Cilamitay project, as case study, should be helpful in reducing communication barriers and conceptual gaps between indigenous communities and the government.

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