從南宋中期反近習政爭看道學型士大夫對「恢復」態度的轉變(1163~1207)

Dao-Xue Type Scholar-Bureaucrats’ Attitude Toward the Legitimacy Restoration in the mid-Southern Song Dynasty’s Anti-Favorites Campaign (1163~1207)

張維玲(Wei-Ling Chang)

指導教授 ： 梁庚堯

國立臺灣大學/文學院/歷史學研究所/碩士(2009年)

https://doi.org/10.6342/NTU.2009.01464

摘要

本文主旨是藉皇權、近習、道學型士大夫、恢復議題四因素的相互作用，架構起南宋中期的歷史進程，以闡述南宋中期的政治特色。道學型士大夫是余英時先生在《朱熹的歷史世界》提出的概念，指該士大夫與道學家有共同的理想或理念「型態」，此即是與朱熹「氣類相近」之處，他們之間存有複雜的交遊網絡；近習則是皇帝身旁、處於內朝的寵臣；「恢復」即指「恢復中原」，是南宋特殊政治環境下的專有指稱。
第一章以事件為軸，並分析參與者的身分，說明在隆興元年至乾道六年，不斷向宋孝宗聲討近習之害的士大夫，即以所謂「道學型士大夫」為主。他們共同的反近習態度，就是使他們凝聚成「道學集團」的因素。道學型士大夫反對近習的深層原因，乃因近習干政破壞了「紀綱」，使外廷臣僚無法守其「職分」。此外，自秦檜當政時，便與高宗朝近習聯合，結成主和陣營；這種政治態勢延續至孝宗隆興時期，反映在主和宰相湯思退與近習龍大淵合作，並與張浚為首的反和議派鬥爭，道學型士大夫則多支持張浚。而近習對和議的參與，多少使道學型士大夫感到和議更具不正當性。
第二章討論在道學型士大夫反近習的政局中，政策性議題「恢復」為何發生質變。歷來論宋孝宗的著作，一方面無法忽視孝宗寵信近習，一方面又稱讚他對「恢復」的努力，彷彿兩者毫無關聯、可以分開看待。本章指出近習對「恢復」事業廣泛、深入的參與，使外廷部分官僚職權被侵奪，而軍中賄賂公行，也使恢復事業弊病叢生；其次，近習與主恢復宰相所採取的恢復策略是「急進」的，在朝野迎合急進恢復的言論充斥下，南宋很有可能未準備充分就與金開戰。這都使「恢復」在道學型士大夫心目中發生變質，成為非正義群體獲取己利的招牌，於是道學型士大夫不得不放棄與金「不共戴天」的復仇論調，並轉而強調修政「十年」，甚至贊成暫時與金和議，以攻擊急進的恢復政策。近習不論是在隆興時主和，或乾道時轉為積極參與恢復工作，都可見其迎合皇帝的意志。朱熹曾說：「言規恢於紹興之間者為正，言規恢於乾道以後者為邪。」這個評論，便要置於此政治態勢下才得以真正理解。
第三章討論道學型士大夫諫近習與恢復後，如何面對不利的政治局勢。張說事件中，浙東事功學派也加入聲討近習。龔茂良（亦為道學型士大夫）事件尤為重要。近習曾覿為了打擊道學集團，利用諫官以「不談恢復」等罪名彈劾參政龔茂良，爾後，更以「植黨」罪名打擊與龔茂良要好的道學型士大夫，這即是南宋中期道學首次被控結黨。但因孝宗急採煞車，而未使黨論擴大，但也因此學界容易忽略龔茂良事件。到了淳熙八年，孝宗有感於恢復之無成，一方面逐退了內廷的近習，一方面外廷的趙雄罷相，結束了急進的恢復政策。
第四章討論淳熙九年到開禧北伐（1182~1207）時期的政局，在那些方面延續自淳熙八年以前的政治態勢，「慶元黨禁」在此脈絡下將可看出其深刻意義。韓侂冑的近習身分使他遭到道學型士大夫激烈的反對，因此，他實比余英時先生筆下的「官僚集團」更有理由對道學反感。依此而論，慶元黨禁絕非獨立的政治事件，而是南宋中期道學集團與近習最後也最激烈的對決。而韓侂冑過去受到孝宗影響而產生的恢復意識，使他當權後留意軍事，似無愧於他的前輩近習，爾後更將恢復付諸實踐。未充分準備的開禧北伐，仍得到朝野蜂起的迎合聲浪，道學型士大夫則有不少人站出來呼籲謹慎，反對北伐，這也重演了孝宗乾道六年急進恢復與道學集團穩健態度的對立。

關鍵字

道學型士大夫 ； 朱熹 ； 近習 ； 恢復 ； 宋孝宗 ； 慶元黨禁

並列摘要

The central theme of this thesis is to explain Southern Song dynasty’s political characteristics through the interaction of four main factors that dominate the historical progress during mid-Southern Song dynasty: imperial power, Favorites, Dao-Xue type scholar-bureaucrats, and the legitimacy restoration issue. Dao-Xue type scholar-bureaucrats, a concept brought up by Yu Yingshi（余英時） in his “The History World of Zhu Xi”,（《朱熹的歷史世界》） refers to, in the context of this thesis, Neo-Confucians who adhere to Li-xue; it is expanded to include scholar-bureaucrats who identify with Li-xu and represent quasi Neo-Confucian behaviors. Within Dao-Xue type scholar-bureaucrats there exists a complex interrelationship. Favorites are the personnel serving in the inner court for the emperor. Legitimacy restoration refers to the restoration of the complete legitimacy over the Chinese territory, given that Southern Song dynasty controls only the Southern part of China.
Chapter one provides an analysis of the Dao-Xue type scholar-bureaucrats who relentlessly reprimand to the emperor, Song Xiaozong,（宋孝宗） the danger of the Favorites, during1163 to 1170. Their anti-Favorites attitude motivated the formation of their political group. A root cause of Dao-Xue type scholar-bureaucrats’ anti-Favorites position is due to the harm to the court disciplines caused by the Favorites’ interference with politics, so that the officials in the outer court are therefore driven unable to satisfy their duty in office. In addition, since Gaozong’s（高宗） time when Qin Kuai’s（秦檜） still in power, he collaborates with the Favorites and promotes peace agreement with Jin. This inclination has persisted till Xiaozong’s early time, represented by prime minister Tang Situe（湯思退） and Favorite Long Dayuan’s（龍大淵） pro-peace collaboration. They have been competing with the anti-peace collaboration led by Zhang Jun,（張浚） who is supported by the Dao-Xue type scholar-bureaucrats. The Favorites’ participation in the peace agreement further strengthens Dao-Xue type scholar-bureaucrats’ perception that peace agreement is unjustifiable.
Chapter two discusses the factors that undermine the political issues of legitimacy restoration amid Dao-Xue type scholar-bureaucrats’ anti-Favorites campaign. It is explained that the Favorites’ extensive participation in the restoration issue has entrenched part of the outer court officials’ authority; corruptions in the military also produce various abuses within the restoration progress. Also, the Favorites and the pro-restoration prime minister adopt an aggressive approach to restoration, and in a political climate where people largely uphold an aggressive restoration proposal, Southern Song is likely to start war with Jin even when it is not fully prepared. These, have all influenced Dao-Xue type scholar-bureaucrats’ perception of restoration which, in their eyes, is used by certain people to acquire unjust personal gain. The consequences also make Dao-Xue type scholar-bureaucrats uphold a proposal on a ten years preparation; they even approve of a temporary peace agreement with Jin in order to prohibit the aggressive restoration proposal. Whether a pro-peace position in Longxing（隆興） or later an aggressive restoration proposal in Qiandao（乾道）, the Favorites act only in the emperor’s favor. It is under this political context that we understand the statement from Zhu Xi: “the talk of restoration in Shaoxing（紹興） is virtue, in Qiandao and after is vice.”
Chapter three looks into how Dao-Xue type scholar-bureaucrats deal with their political disadvantage after they have criticized the Favorites and the restoration proposal. In the issue of Zhang Yue（張說）, the Eastern Zhejiang School（浙東學派） also participates in reproaching the Favorites. Gong Mao Liang（龔茂良）, a Dao-Xue type scholar-bureaucrat, has engaged in a related issue. Favorite Zeng Di（曾覿）, with the purpose of attacking the group of Dao-Xue type scholar-bureaucrats, induces opinion official Xie Kuoran（謝廓然） to impeach Gong on the charge of “no restoration”; later, he further attacks some Dao-Xue type scholar-bureaucrats who befriended with Gong by accusing them of cliquing. This is the first incident that Dao-Xue type scholar-bureaucrats are accused of cliquism, but it is later curbed by Xiaozong. In 1181, upon realizing that restoration lacks promise, Xiaozong expels the Favorites in the inner court and the pro-restoration prime minister Zhao Xiong（趙雄） in the outer court, and puts an end to the aggressive restoration proposal.
Chapter four discusses what aspects the period from 1182 to 1207 has inherited from the political consequences before 1181. It is under this analysis that we look at the significance of the Prohibition of Parties in Qingyuan period（慶元黨禁）. As a Favorite, Han Tuozhou（韓侂冑） is opposed by other Dao-Xue type scholar-bureaucrats, and is actually more against Dao-Xue type scholar-bureaucrats than the group of scholar-bureacrates（官僚集團） that Yu Yingshi identifies. Given that, the Prohibition of Parties in Qingyuan period is not an individual political issue, but an ultimate battle between the group of Dao-Xue type scholar-bureaucrats and Favorites in mid-Southern Song dynasty. Han Tuozhou, with restoration in mind, as a result from Xiaozong’s influence, becomes concerned with military issues when he’s in power. He is the successor of the previous Favorites, and puts restoration proposal into practice. The very much unprepared Kaixi Northern Expedition（開禧北伐） has gained widespread approval throughout the government, however there are still several Dao-Xue type scholar-bureaucrats who stand up and oppose this decision. This in turn, repeats the confrontation between the aggressive restoration proposal and the steady proposal that takes place in 1170.

並列關鍵字

Imperial power ； Favorites ； Dao-Xue type scholar-bureaucrats ； Zhu Xi ； Legitimacy restoration

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