《周易》「帝王學」之建構

本文研究目的是建構《周易》「帝王學」，並處理相關的哲學問題及理論體系。為達成此目的，本文主要檢討《周易》涵蓋的四個主要領域，諸如中國「帝王」概念的歷史淵源與演變、占卜活動所蘊涵的諸般哲學意義、建構《周易》「帝王學」的理論體系，以及考察「帝王學易學」文獻內容以深入了解《周易》「帝王學」的主要特點，並扣著「帝王學」的視角一一梳理在該四領域所涵蓋的諸般概念和哲學問題。首先，在中國有三個指稱最高統治者稱謂，「帝王」、「天子」和「皇帝」。這些最高統治者，被要求符合「正統性」，在「位」方面和「德」方面。「帝王」概念，始於殷商中後期。在甲骨文文獻中已出現「帝」字和「王」字，「帝」字起初是以「天帝」，即最高神的意義上使用，後來逐漸用以指稱「祖先」，而商末周初的文獻中，「帝」已指稱為「人王」，而隨著歷史流動，逐漸與「王」字連用。「天子」是西周時指稱最高統治者的稱謂。在春秋戰國時代的文獻裡，「古帝王」字詞已經普遍流行。「皇帝」這個稱呼是自秦始皇起便成為稱呼最高統治的代表名稱。值得留意的是，漢代出現「素王」概念，專指德高望重而無其位的孔子。「素王」概念的出現，導致一股革命性的觀念轉變：沒有「帝王之位」的布衣能有「帝王之德」。每當有位的帝王缺失帝王之德時，「素王」概念便起到與之鮮明對照的批判作用。第二部分的中心議題是「占卜」活動涵蓋的哲學意義。占卜活動本來專屬帝王。一位具有「王心」的帝王所進行的一場占卜活動極有可能影響天下人民。「占卜活動」可分為四個階段，「占問」─「演筮」階段 ─ 占斷階段 ─ 占驗。本文試圖探討在各階段之間所出現的「因果關係」問題，特別在「占斷」和「占驗」階段之間的因果問題，主要扣叔本華(A.Shopenhauer)的「充足理由律」、榮格(K.Jung)的「同時性」的原理，以及塞爾(J.Searle)的「因果信念」三個面向加以檢討，並確認榮格的「意義深遠的巧合」概念和塞爾的「因果信念」論頗為值得參考的主張。並且，占卜過程中所引起的因果問題與占問者的意志之間，存在意義深遠的關係，由此可以認清占卜的本質是追求生命價值的極度肯定和主體的恢復，而不是追求迷信。本文基本上把持將「占卜」視為帝王「應變」的治術形式此般立場。任何人可以透過「占卜」活動，將「偶然」以「常道」加以應對，並將所獲得的結果提升為一則「新的常道」。本文相信帝王學透過相同路徑更能將人類社會和文化「創造地」往前推行。第三部分是試圖建立一套《周易》「帝王學」之一個理論，如何可能的問題。為處理該問題，分別討論歷代文獻中所見的「帝王學」面貌與關於「帝王」本身的「正當性」問題。「帝王學」從先秦至漢唐，由宋到清，始終是中國治理學的核心，尤其漢代賈誼《新書》、徐幹《中論》，唐代吳兢《貞觀政要》、唐太宗《帝範》、趙蕤《長短經》，宋代范祖禹《帝學》、真德秀《大學衍義》等，皆對「帝王學」的影響尤其深遠。關於從帝王應有的「正統性」，分別討論「帝王位」的因素做為客觀方面的「正統性」而「王心」作為主觀方面的正統性的議題。尤其扣「王心」概念建立一套《周易》「帝王學」所以可能的理論模式。推論方式是借用現代隱喻理論與象徵符號論以及認知語言學方面的諸般成果，一一證明「王心」在閱讀《周易》時能夠發揮極為重要的效果和價值。第四部分專取宋代耿南仲《周易新講義》與趙以夫《易通》以及清代四部奉敕撰諸如傅以漸等《易經通注》、牛紐等《日講易經解義》、李光地等《周易折中》、傅恆等《周易述義》等，其中特別緊扣康熙帝親講的《日講易經解義》，檢討在這些文獻中所闡明的《周易》「帝王學」的實際立場。關於宋清兩代帝王學易學的異同，宋代對周易帝王學所涵蓋的核心概念，諸如「防未然」、「行權」、「王霸」等，顯得凸顯「君臣共治天下」的特徵，而清朝康熙帝則極為強調帝王須備「九五」之「剛健中正」之「德」與「能」，康熙帝此般立場，顯得反映他的一生宿願一身能夠兼備「治統」與「道統」。

關鍵字

周易；帝王學；皇帝；占筮；占卜；隱喻；象徵符號；因果關係；意志；王心

並列摘要

The goal of my thesis is to build a theoretical module to apprehend Zhou-Yi from the perspective of “Di-Wang’s Learning”(帝王學). To achieve this goal, I will focus on four major areas covered by Zhou-Yi(周易): (1) The historical background and evolution of the concept ‘emperor’, (2) The various philosophical messages conveyed by auguring, (3) The construction of the theoretical module for Zhou-Yi’s Di-Wang Learning, and (4) The survey of the literatures on Zhou-Yi’s Di-Wang Learning (with an eye to gaining a deeper understanding of the major characteristics of Di-Wang Learning). The perspective employed will be that of Di-Wang’s Learning. This is to elucidate the various philosophical concepts and questions covered in the above four areas. To begin with, in China, there are three phrases that refer to the paramount ruler. They are, ‘Di-Wang’(帝王), ‘Tien-Zi’(天子) and ‘Whuang-Di’(皇帝). The ruler is widely expected to conform to some orthodox in terms of his position and virtue. The idea of ‘Di-Wang’ originated in the middle and later period of the Shang Dynasty. There was already words such as ‘Di’(帝) and ‘Wang’(王) in inscriptions on bones and tortoise carapaces. The word ‘di’ was firstly used to refer to ‘Tian-Di’(天帝), the paramount god. Yet, it gradually came to mean ‘ancestor’. In the literatures of the late Shang and early Zhou periods, ‘di’ had been used to mean ‘king of all men’. However, with the passage of time, it tends to be associated with the word ‘Wang’ in its usage. On the other hand, during the Western Zhou Dynasty, ‘Tian-Zi’ refers to the paramount governor. In the literatures of the spring-fall and warring state period, the word ‘Gu-Di-Wang’ (古帝王，or the ancient emperor) had gained a lot of currency. Finally, ‘Whang-Di’ (皇帝)had become synonymous as ‘the paramount ruler’ since the time of the Chin-Shih Emperor. What’s worth noting here is that the word ‘Su-Wang’ (素王) that appeared in the Han Dynasty refers to virtuous Confucius. The appearance of the concept ‘Su-Wang’ is quite revolutionary. It somehow suggests that an ordinary folk who is not in any ruling position can have kingly virtues. Whenever a ruling emperor is insufficient in his kingly virtues, the concept of ‘Su-Wang’ can serve as a vivid and critical contrast. The central theme of the second part of my thesis is the philosophical implications of the activities covered by ‘divination’. The right to the activity of auguring belongs to the emperor exclusively. A ‘kingly-hearted’ emperor’s auguring activities can exercise great impact on his people. The activity of divination can be divided into four stages: (1) questioning in the process of divination, (2) calculation, (3) account for divination, and (4) the inspection of the divination. My thesis aims to figure out the causal relations between these four stages, focusing specifically on that between the third and the fourth. To shed light on this issue, I will employ the following theoretical resources: Shopenhauer’s principle of sufficient reason, Jung’s synchronicity, and Searle’s causal belief. I contend that the latter two are especially enlightening. Besides, there exists a deeply meaningful relation between the questioner’s will and the causal question induced in the process of the auguring. We can thus further clarify, I contend, the nature of auguring as an affirmation of the value of life and manifestation of subjectivity, rather than as a superstitious practice. The third part of my thesis attempts to address the question of how it is possible to construct ‘Emperor’s Learning’ from Zhou-Yi. To answer this question, I will investigate ‘Emperor’s Learning’ and its various facets in different dynasties. I will also pursue the question of legitimacy for being an emperor. The idea of ‘Emperor’s Learning’ has always been at the core of Chinese leadership from time immemorial. The following works are especially influential: Xin-Shu(新書) by Jia-yi(賈誼), Zhong-lun(中論) by Xu-gan(徐幹), Zhen-guan zheng-yao(貞觀政要) by Wu-jing(吳兢), Di-fan(帝範) by Tai-zong(太宗), Chang-duan-jing(長短經) by Zhao-rui(趙蕤), and Di-xue(帝學) by Fan Zu-yu(范祖禹), Da-xue Yan-yi(大學衍義) by Chen De-xiu(真德秀). With regard to the legitimacy of kingship, I will look into an objective aspect of kingship as well as a subjective aspect related to king-heartedness. By employing the concept of king-heartedness, my thesis aims to build a theoretical module to address the question of how ‘Di-Wang’s learning’ is possible in Zhou-yi. My way of proceeding is by borrowing the results from contemporary research on metaphors, symbols, and cognitive linguistics. I will demonstrate that the idea of king-heartedness is especially significant for interpreting Zhou-yi. The fourth part of my thesis tackles with issues in Zhou-yi Xin-Jiang-yi (周易新講義》by Geng Nan-zhong(耿南仲), Yi-tong(易通) by Zhao Yi-fu(趙以夫), Yi-jing-tong-zhu(易經通注) by Fu Yi-jian(傅以漸) et al.、Ri-jiang-Yi-jing Jie-Yi(日講義經解易) by Niu-niu(牛鈕) et al., Zhou-yi Zhe-zhong(周易折中) by Li Guang-di(李光地) et al., Zhou-yi-Shu-yi(周易述義) by Fu Heng(傅恆) et al. The focus will be placed on Emperor Kang-xi’s(康熙) Ri-jiang-Yi-jing Jie-Yi. I will critically evaluate the ‘Di-Wang’s learning’ positions explicated by the afore-mentioned literatures. With regard to the similarities and differences between ‘Di-Wang’s learning’ of the Sung Dynasty and that of the Ching Dynasty, I will argue the following. In the Sung Dynasty, the core concepts covered by ‘Di-Wang’s learning’, such as ‘Fang-wei-ran’(防未然) ‘Xing-Quan’(行權), and ‘Wang-Ba’(王霸), show that the ruling power is shared by the emperor and his subordinate officials. On the other hand, Emperor Kang-xi places strong emphasis on the virtue and capacity involved in ‘Gang-Jian-Zhong-Zheng’(剛健中正). His position shows, I will argue, that his life fulfills both ends simultaneously: ‘Zhi-Tong’ (治統，or rule by Governance system) and ‘Dao-tong’(道統，or rule by Confucian orthodoxy).