主流社會始終對進入台灣之「外籍新娘」和「大陸新娘」抱持敵視、排拒的態度,歧視言論即為其中一項具體表徵,國家對於這種明目張膽、毫不掩飾內心種族主義的言論是否應該予以管制,是本文研究之主題。 觀察美國法院與種族仇恨性言論管制之相關判決,本文發現美國法院不利管制之判決結果,反映其重視言論自由而輕忽種族平等的心態。批判種族理論則從受壓迫者位置更正確的評價種族仇恨性言論,並提出顛覆但實用的倡議管制論述。本文之研究,即選擇從貼近少數族裔經驗的批判種族理論觀點出發,開展相關討論。 從俯拾即是建構「外籍新娘」和「大陸新娘」為種族劣等之社會問題的媒體報導,和以本土種族主義為基調的婚姻移民法制,本文發現主流社會分從社會和法律層面極盡打壓她們,加上她們因為交錯身分而受到之多重壓迫,可認係主流社會宰制下的少數群體。 根據實證顯示,歧視言論確實會造成被攻訐者嚴重的身心靈傷害。在權力不對等的台灣社會,歧視言論同時是主流對弱勢的權力展現,侵害「外籍新娘」和「大陸新娘」之種族平等權利。基於平等保障之憲法要求,國家應該對構成分散且隔離少數之結構性弱勢的她們給予特別關照。我國法院向來對她們不友善的態度,以及傳統釋憲實務陷於政策事項的迷思,強化了立法者出面實現憲法意旨的正當性。因此,本文認為,立法管制歧視言論乃屬當務之急,台灣社會與她們都會同受其利。對於管制可能侵害言論自由之質疑,在反壓迫平等之言論自由觀下,管制因為有助於發掘被壓迫宰制的聲音,毋寧是落實真正的言論自由。本文並進一步提出管制法律的立法方向建議,同時草擬具體的管制條文。 採取不中立規範方式的管制法律在我國確有必要,蓋侮辱、誹謗與恐嚇法制無法有效作為管制基礎。就不中立管制法律之違憲審查,本文認為除了借鏡先進民主國家支持不中立管制法律的經驗外,大法官應該依據部門憲法釋義學解釋言論自由,揚棄內容中立原則;或者,應該承認種族歧視言論為一新的低價值言論類型,從而適用合理審查標準審查管制法律。
Mainstream society in Taiwan has been holding antagonism and exclusion towards "foreign brides" and "mainland brides"; speech which discriminates against them is one manifestation of such. The subject matter of this Article is to research whether this type of discrimination speech, out of bold and blatant racism, should be regulated. By observing cases related to hate speech regulation in American constitutional law, it can be discovered that the decisions, most of which are unfavorable to regulation advocates, reflect the court's position on the emphasis of free speech and the distain of equality right. On the other hand, critical race theorists assess more accurately the influence and significance of hate speech from the stance of the oppressed as ethnic minorities, and submit subversive but practical discourse on advocacy of regulating the speech. This Article, therefore, chooses to conduct the research based on the perspective of critical race theory. Analyzing the situation of "foreign brides" and "mainland brides", including media representation as social problems because of inferiority in race, the marriage immigration law demonstrating nativism and racism and the multiple oppressions as result of the intersectionality of identities, this Article considers these migrant women minorities dominated by mainstream society. According to empirical studies, speech which discriminates against migrant women does cause them tremendous physical and psychal harm. It also demonstrates the power relationship between the mainstream majority and the marginalized minority, thus infringing upon the equality rights of the migrant women. In light of the constitutional demand for equal protection, state shall grant them, "discrete and insular minorities", more protection. The unfriendly attitude revealed by the constitutional court and the myth of policy matter which the court frequently and inevitably is trapped in, further lends lawmakers justification to carry out the spirit of the constitution. Therefore, this Article deems regulation of discrimination speech a necessary measure which lawmakers should adopt instantly; the society of Taiwan and migrant women would both benefit thereof. As to the anxiety for the likely violation of free speech, this Article rather regards regulation as a state act of fulfilling genuine free speech under the picture of free speech based on anti-subordination equality. This Article further submits suggestions on regulation design, and drafts statutes accordingly. As to the judicial review of the content based regulation of discrimination speech, apart from looking into the fact that similar regulations are sustained in developed democratic countries, the grand justice should either discard the content-neutral principle relying on the interpretation methods of "sectoral constitution", or recognize race discriminating speech as a new category of low-value speech, and apply rational relationship test while conducting judicial review.