摘 要 本論文研究以漢語語氣副詞(mood adverb)為中心,並以「難道」為例,探討漢語語氣副詞「難道」的歷時(diachronic)發展及共時(synchronic)現象。研究主要分成兩方面:一方面以「難道」為例,探討漢語語氣副詞「難道」的語法化(grammaticalization)進程;另一方面,探討現代漢語語氣副詞(mood adverb)的構式(construction)、語意特性(semantic characteristics)及層次結構(hierarchical structure),並探討「難道」與其他相關語氣副詞間的異同。 在現代漢語中,「難道」的語意以由實詞意義轉向反詰語氣(rhetorical question),因此我們以歷時的角度來探討難道語法化(grammaticalization)的進程,我們以Heine(2002)的語法化四階段(four-stage scenario of grammaticalization)為理論根據,來探討「難道」語法化(grammaticalization)現象,從語料中我們發現:「難道」由實詞來源意義(source meaning)轉向功能詞目標意義(target meaning)的語法化進程發芽於宋朝,直至明清時期驅趨於成熟。 此外,我們以「難道」為例,來探究語氣副詞在現代漢語中的構式及語意上的特性。在現代漢語中,「難道」的語意並非單指反詰語氣(rhetorical question),有時也可單純表達臆測,常常必需依賴上下文的語境(context)才能決定,也就是說,語用功能(pragmatic function)在語氣副詞中扮演重要的角色,「難道」的反詰語意處在詞彙化(lexicalization)的進程中,尚未達詞彙化完成的階段。另一方面,我們用共時(synchronic)的角度來觀察另一個語氣副詞,「到底」,的構式表現及語意分類;「VP到底」可表空間、過程和程度,「到底VP」則可表達主觀時間和確認的意義,「VP到底」的語意較具象,可表達「直達底部」的實詞意,而「到底VP」則趨向語法化,只能表達對命題的主觀意義,已喪失實詞功能。 最後我們也另闢篇幅探討語氣副詞的層次結構,觀察語氣副詞及情態動詞(modal verb)的線性順序,及其與否定詞(negation)的互動關係。其中否定詞及情態動詞的層次位置可互換,其高低取決於否定詞的管轄範域;否定詞的管轄範域可高於情態動詞也可位於情態動詞之下,所產生的語意多所不同。此外,越接近動詞本身的功能範疇層次越低,反之則層次越高。語氣副詞常常位於句首,離動詞最遠,所以位於較高的層次,管轄範圍及於全句,也因而語意作用在全句,而非只作用於動詞本身。
The studies focus on the mood adverbs in Mandarin Chinese and take nandao for example to explore the diachronic and synchronic phenomena. On the one hand, we aim to trace the process of grammaticalization of nandao. On the other hand, we discuss the construction, characteristics, and hierarchical structure of the mood adverb nandao. The differences from its ilk are also included in the dissertation. In Modern Mandarin Chinese, the semantic content of nandao refers to rhetorical question. Based on the four-stage scenario of grammaticalization (Heine 2002), we diachronically explore the process of grammaticalization in nandao. According to the historical documents we collect, the grammaticalization of nandao from the source meaning to the target meaning sprouted in the Song Dynasty. It is developed gradually and totally achieved in the Ming and Qing Dynasty. In addition to the grammaticalization of nandao, we make great effort to explore the complexity of mood adverbs both in semantics and syntax. On the one hand, we discuss the semantic vagueness between rhetoric and speculation in sentences with nandao. Sometimes we need the context to disambiguate the meanings. On the other hand, another related mood adverb, daodi, is synchronically discussed in the dissertation. “VP + daodi” can denote the space, process and degree meanings. It can express the content meaning “to the end”. However, “daodi + VP” can only express subjective time and confirmation toward the propositions. Finally, we observe the hierarchical structure of mood adverbs as well as the linear ordering of the mood adverb, the modal verb and the negation. The negation can precede or follow the modal verb according to the scope it dominates. In addition, mood adverbs usually express the judgment toward the propositional content and it usually occurs in the sentence-initial position, so hierarchically, it is on the highest layer of the structure.