第六次修憲之後,國民大會成為針封特定任務而召開之非常設性會議體 … 因此,日後國民大會應不再具備一般性的民意基礎,亦即失去了民主國家之國會所具備的一般性民主正當性基礎,以此觀點而論,國民大會應不再具備相當於民主國家之國會地位。(大法官會議釋字第七十六號解釋曾謂:立法院、國民大會、監察院等共同相當於西方民主國家之國會)。立法院成為我國當前憲政體制下的單一國會,究竟在我國現行憲法的規范下處于何種地位,在整個國家機器的運作下究竟扮演何種角色,能發揮何種正面典負面的影警力;典其他憲政機關間,尤其是針封分享行政機制的總統典行政院而言,因而形成何種動態關係,單一國會一院制本身的功能是否能穩定地達到分權制衡的目標,以及單一選區或中選區兩票制的選舉制度的改革走向等等簡題,可以徒不同角度輿判准切入而為分析,提供參考。
National Assembly becomes to be the non-permanent conference aimed at the particular assignments. For this reason, they do not own general public opinion any more afterwards and namely, they lose the democracy legitimation featured all the democratic states. Standing on this point, National Assembly should not be the same as congress. Legislature Yen, however, is the single congress under the regime of constitute. What is the status of the existing constitute bypass the rule? What is the role inside the nation machine gearing? How to show the positive and negative influence? Compared with the other constitutional institute, especially Administration Yen, how to the share the administration power between President and Administration Yen? The interaction model should be dynamic and single congress should be further adapted to show clear link on the constitution regime. The paper tries to examine the conflict from the different dimensions and aspects, and offer some results for consideration.