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族群認同與宗教運動在國家政策的運用:初探馬來西亞巫統文明伊斯蘭(Islam Hadhari)運動

The Adoption of Ethnic Identity and Religious Movement in National Policy-A Preliminary Study on UMNO's "Islam Hadhari" Movement in Malaysia

摘要


2004年1月30日馬來西亞新上任的首相阿都拉巴達威(Abdullah bin Ahmad Badawi)主持了「文明伊斯蘭運動(Islam Hadhari movement)」,此運動隨後就發展為阿都拉執政時代的主要口號和其政權的象徵。本文嘗試針對各界對「文明伊斯蘭」運動的詮釋內容與觀點作一初步的整合,以探討「文明伊斯蘭運動」論述的發展脈絡,尋找其和過去巫統政治路線和主張的關連性,從而解釋族群認同與伊斯蘭運動在此運動中的關係。本研究發現,基於其論述內容和實踐範圍之廣泛,「文明伊斯蘭運動」事實上和現代世俗化國家一般的發展藍圖沒有任何顯著的差別:它幾乎可以解釋政府所有的施政,因此它甚至可以說是一種事後的詮釋-為巫統政府過去所有的政績作辯護,以及為其未來所有政策的合理性作鋪陳。而它和巫統過去發動的伊斯蘭化運動-新馬來人運動和在國家行政上吸納伊斯蘭價值的運動-樣,都是一種實踐性的伊斯蘭(practical Islam)政策。再者,此運動或政策的實踐不單代表了巫統在執政集團中淩駕其他政黨的霸權領導地位,亦代表了巫統對國家發展政策的主宰性權力。當然,它在實踐的過程中也代表了阿都拉領導權威的所在。

並列摘要


The Islam Hadhari movement or the so called ”civilized Islamic movement”, which was officially launched by the newly elected Malaysian Prime Minister Abdullah bin Ahmad Badawi on January 30, 2004, is becoming a major symbol and slogan of Abdullah's regime. By exploring the contemporary trends of Islam Hadhari movement, the article examines the development of the movement, and its connection with the UMNO's previous political approach and position, in order to explain how ethnic identity and religious movement are adopted and integrated to the movement. Due to its obscure explanations and wide range of practices, the essay finds that the substance of Islam Hadhari movement has no significant different from the ordinary secular national development program: it can be use to explain almost all policies implemented by the government, or even adopted to defend, explain or legitimize all previous policies, as well as the future policies made by UMNO regime. Similar to those previous movements promoted by UMNO, such as ”New Malay Movement” or ”Islamization of government machinery”, Islam Hadhari movement can be described as another practical Islamic policy. Furthermore, the practices of Islam Hadhari movement or policies, not only signify the ultimate hegemonic power of UMNO in the ruling parties' coalition government, but also signify the monopoly power of the party in determining the national development policies. Practically, of course, it also becomes a symbol of Abdullah's authority in the country.

參考文獻


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被引用紀錄


林廷俊(2010)。印度尼西亞與馬來西亞伊斯蘭法制與政治關係之比較〔碩士論文,淡江大學〕。華藝線上圖書館。https://doi.org/10.6846/TKU.2010.00095
洪聖翔(2015)。紀傳財劇作中的馬來西亞:族群、階級與民族認同〔碩士論文,國立臺灣大學〕。華藝線上圖書館。https://doi.org/10.6342/NTU.2015.02516
游雅雯(2011)。從後殖民觀點探討馬來西亞的「政治伊斯蘭」運動〔博士論文,國立臺灣大學〕。華藝線上圖書館。https://doi.org/10.6342/NTU.2011.10175
鄒雁慧(2007)。馬來西亞華人新村文化景觀的變遷:增江新村之研究〔碩士論文,國立臺灣師範大學〕。華藝線上圖書館。https://www.airitilibrary.com/Article/Detail?DocID=U0021-2910200810533895
謝婷妮(2013)。馬來西亞公立小學公民教育教科書國家認同之批判論述分析〔碩士論文,國立中正大學〕。華藝線上圖書館。https://www.airitilibrary.com/Article/Detail?DocID=U0033-2110201613534266

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