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  • 學位論文

政治社會化與政治認同之變遷─以「外獨會」為例

Political Socialization and the change of Political Identity: The case of ”Goa Seng Lang Association for Taiwan Independence

指導教授 : 陳翠蓮

摘要


本研究旨在探討「外獨會」成員政治社會化過程與政治認同變遷之因素。研究者以政治社會化理論為基礎,從政治社會化媒介之途徑:家庭、學校、同儕團體、政治事件、政黨、大眾傳播媒體各個環節微視「外獨會」成員政治認同之啟蒙、變遷與鞏固之成因,來探討政治社會化與政治認同變遷之關係。 本研究以「外獨會」成員作為個案分析之對象,透過深度訪談的方式抽絲剝繭企圖釐清為何「外獨會」成員政治理念不同於其原生族群,並以次級資料分析方法進行26位受訪對象之訪談。 從受訪者早期的政治社會化經驗發現,絕大多數受訪者在高中以前確實深受學校教科書及家庭中國化教育所影響,然而在進入高中階段以後,因為有機會接觸到不同於執政當局的政治社會化管道,例如同儕團體、社團經驗、大眾傳播媒體、政治事件、工作環境等而改變了他們原本的政治認同。 在訪談過程當中甚至發現,有受訪者表示自己是受到外國人的啟發,而開始質疑原本對國家認同的正確性,這顯示了過去中國化認同的脆弱與矛盾。 從D. Easton & J. Dennis的三種政治社會化類型,我們發現受訪者的政治知識與政治行為是透過同儕團體、社團經驗、異議性刊物與地下電台等政治社會化管道所學習得來,是基於自己主動的學習,而非經由官方計畫性的灌輸是屬於非計畫的類型。若依垂直與水平的文化傳承方式,「外獨會」成員則是屬於水平的傳遞方式。即其政治傳遞方式是來自於同一世代間政治價值與態度相互的影響。若從明示與隱晦的政治社會化傳遞途徑來看,顯然是受到暗喻的影響較大,也就是受訪者對中國的認同是來自於情感,是對父親故鄉的想像。 此外,若以政治教育與政治學習的關係來看,受訪者之所以政治態度轉變的原因,主要是來自於政治學習而非被動的政治教育。從Hess & Tornery所提出的影響政治學習因素的四種模式當中,發現了「外獨會」的受訪者,比較傾向於認知模式,也就是是隨著年齡的增長,對事物的理解程度逐漸發展而來的。 整體而言,會參與「外獨會」此一社運團體者,其本身的人格傾向較為反威權,儘管不一定是精英出身,但是多半受過良好的教育,在政治態度上較一般人為敏感而早熟,其政治行動力也較為強烈,對政治事務有高度參與的興趣,所以當家庭、學校教化與自身思想產生扞格時,他們會去尋求其他途徑的資訊接收管道,也因此促成政治再社會化。 雖然大部分的受訪者都是支持台灣獨立的選項,不過筆者也發現受訪者支持的台灣獨立的理念仍有所分歧,有認同學者史明觀點;也有反對民族主義式的台獨主張,而是從社經層面來認同台灣的主體性;還有基於民主理念有條件的支持;抑或來自於民眾自己邏輯思維模式的解讀,甚至還有受訪者是基於討厭中國人故認為台灣應該要獨立。無論基於何種觀點,在國家認同的層次上,所有的受訪者皆認為自己已經是台灣人而非中國人。

並列摘要


The main theme of this research is to investigate the factors that have a great influence on the members of GATI to deal with the issues of political socialization and political identity. The researcher used the theory for the political socialization as a base, and from all the possible tracts to form political socialization, such as family, school, peer group, political event, political party, public mass communication to analyze these issues. By using individual interview and analyzing obtained data from 26 members of GATI, the researcher tried to understand why these members have a different political view from that of the same ethics. It was found that textbooks and family life had deep influence on most of members before high school on the issue of Chinesized education. After that, there were many chances to touch with various kinds of media and socialites such as peer group, academic and recreational societies, mass communication, political incidents, working environments, etc. Under these situations, the original political identity in their mind has been changed tremendously. It was also found that the thoughts of foreigners on this concern caused many interviewers to suspect the correctness of their previous view on the political identity. From D. Easton & J. Dennis’s three kinds of political socialization, it was found that the political knowledge and behaviors of these interviewers were learned by themselves actively from peer group, the experience from attending various societies, different views of political magazines or underground radio stations, but not through these planned by political party passively. The members of GATI often use the way of horizontal transmission to pass their different political view; whereas, their identity to China was from their personal feeling and the imagination of parents’ homeland linkage. Besides, the main cause of these interviewers to change their political attitude was from political education and political learning mode and it is an active, but not passive way. From Hess & Tornery’s proposed theory that there are 4 modes that influence political learning process, the members of GATI used the recognition mode to develop their personal political identity as the age increase. As a whole, the personality of GATI members is to against authorization, although they may not be the elite ones in the society. However, they have good education, sensitive to political issue and have strong feeling on political events. They adapt all kinds of methods to gather related information and then use it for the political re-socialization. Although most of them support the Taiwan independence movement as their choices for national identity, the researcher found small portion of the interviewers has a different view on Shih-Ming’s idea of Taiwan independence proposal under the consideration of nationalism; however, from the social, economic and democratic point of views, most of interviewers recognize themselves as a Taiwanese but not a Chinese.

參考文獻


2002 〈解除克羅賽維茲的魔咒:分析當前社會改革運動的困境〉,《台灣社會學》,第4期,頁159-198。
2001 〈跨族群政治討論網絡的形成及其影響因素〉,《台灣社會學》,第4期,頁119-157。
2001 〈認同衝突和政治信任:現階段台灣族群政治的核心難題〉,《台灣社會學》,第4期,頁75-118。
2002b 〈族群接觸機會?還是族群競爭?:本省閩南人族群意識內涵與地區差異模式之解釋〉,《台灣社會學》第4期,頁11-74。
2002a 〈邁向台灣族群關係的在地研究與理論:「族群與社會」專題導論〉,《台灣社會學》第4期,頁1-10。

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