社會結構的持續與轉變—以魯凱好茶舊社Kucapungane的聚落空間建構與演變為例

本研究以魯凱好茶舊社Kucapungane的聚落空間佈局作為研究對象，試圖整合多重尺度與多元資料的視野，辯證比較空間形構法則分析與民族誌資料兩者所呈現的社會結構資訊，從中描繪出魯凱好茶部落於Kucapungane時期的空間佈局特色和社會結構，兩者間的連結性，並在此連結基礎上，進一步探討社群構成與互動關係的變遷歷程。筆者採用Hillier與Hanson提出的空間形構法則（space syntax）分析，針對魯凱好茶舊社Kucapungane建置兩條縱向大道前後所呈現的空間配置差異做為分析對象，討論好茶部落從剛進入日本政府統治到遷村前的社會組織的結構要素持續與變遷。此外，也從考古學的社群研究觀點出發，以理解個體能動性做為前提，將聚落視為是社群實踐互動下所形成的聚合體，並在釐清聚落中各個社群組織構成、社群間的互動關係、實踐互動內涵的基礎上，描繪聚落內的社群樣態，進而呈現出Kucapungane舊社時期的社會整體運作樣貌與變遷。透過辯證比較空間形構法則分析成果與民族誌資料後，本研究發現，每個家屋鄰近性所展現出來的緊密互動關係，可分為兩種：父子、兄弟、姊夫妹夫的「親屬關係」，以及「平民服務貴族，貴族照顧平民」並可和兄弟親屬關係進行類比的，屬層級性的「階序關係」。這兩種互動關係，會因為先佔的歷史脈絡和繼承制度等要素交纏的狀況而可同時並存。然而，基於鄰近性互動關係所形成的鄰群（neighborhood），若是其區塊位於高位階家戶（大頭目或高階貴族）的控制範圍內，則範圍內的低位階人群在頭目土地管控下無法任意選擇其分家家屋的興建地點，倘若因特殊事件而廢棄家屋離開此區域的話，往後便會很難回到此區域興建家屋，也導致大頭目控制範圍內的家屋外開放空間在長久發展歷程下，出現家屋座落零散，且家戶間較難聚集在一起互動的破碎阻隔佈局；相反地，如果鄰群區塊不在大頭目家族的控制範圍內，則較可自由選家屋興建的位置，並在土地面積不足時緊鄰而居，形成家屋外開放空間是整合集中並可頻繁互動的佈局。此種空間佈局特性和社會結構的連結性，與Kucapungane聚落擴張的民族誌資料中後則能發現，大頭目家族早期定居於Kucapungane的西邊鄰群區塊，並在大頭目家族及其直系分家在此居住並維持土地控制力的狀況下，佈局正好呈現空間破碎阻隔的特性；而東邊鄰群區塊，即從西邊區塊分家至此居住的平民分家與中低階貴族，則因為離開了大頭目家族的控制範圍，在無空間使用限制與土地不足的狀況下，彼此緊鄰而居，並呈現空間開放、整合集中的佈局特性。也因此，其整體空間佈局，是一路從西邊區塊的破碎阻隔特性向東邊的整合集中的延伸分佈，並反映著好茶部落在其社會組織構成與社群互動的運作下，形成早期因先佔發展的高階序鄰群零散居住於西邊，而晚期分家的低階序鄰群集中居住於東邊的樣態。此外，聚落內便捷易達度較高的地點，通常被用來作為舉辦大型活動以凝聚全聚落人群認同的地點。透過軸線圖分析發現，在兩條大道興建前後，聚落通達便捷的核心由聚落中央偏西側的區域，轉為偏東側的區域，這正代表著好茶權力核心位置從日治到國民政府時期的轉移狀況，也吻合民族誌資料中部落大頭目傳統權力式微的社會脈絡。不過，從空間形構法則分析的「不可理解度」(intelligibility)來看，興建大道前後聚落整體空間佈局卻都是呈現難以管理與控制的狀態，此點從民族誌資料可推知，即使外力進入部落，好茶聚落人群仍舊透過如小米收穫祭等在聚落內便捷易達度較高地點所舉辦的儀式實踐活動，維持原有的聚落互動關係與社會結構的運作。最後，本研究呈現出魯凱好茶部落在Kucapungane的聚落發展與社會變遷歷程中，「交換體系的運作」是其社會組織構成與人群互動關係最重要也最為不變的機制；因為交換體系的維繫，聚落中的鄰群能得以維持著不同歷史脈絡所延伸而來的互動模式，而聚落中的整合集中區域，透過大型活動中的展演以及人們展現著跨階序交換儀式所得來的器物飾品，扮演著積極主動的角色，使聚落中的不同鄰群得以聚合在此處，凝聚其聚落認同，維持著「平民服務貴族，貴族照顧平民」的階序互動概念與共享精神，甚至在部落面對了外力進入的變動時，又或是內部鄰群發生互動上的衝突時，也仍舊能夠維持著其階序間的和諧，使聚落仍舊能維持彈性以適應任何變化。同時，本研究也呈現出Kucapungane聚落空間和人群社會文化間的緊密連結關係，甚至最終更證明了其空間形構法則分析在考古學聚落分析上的有效性，帶給臺灣考古學界有關空間與社會的思考。

關鍵字

空間形構法則；考古學的社群研究；魯凱族；舊好茶；舊社考古

並列摘要

This thesis takes the settlement layout of Old –Kucapungane, an abandoned settlement of Rukai people in Taiwan as the main research case. This thesis attempts to integrate the perspectives of multiple temporal-spatial scales and data, and dialectically compares the social structure presented by the analysis of space syntax and ethnographic data. This thesis depicts the spatial layout characteristics and the connectivity of the social structure of Kucapungane. Based on and base on the background of connectivity, this thesis further explores the changes of composition and interaction of Kucapungane community. The author uses the space syntax analysis advocated by Hillier and Hanson to analyze the differences in the spatial configuration before and after the two longitudinal avenues built in the Old-Kucapungane, then utilizing the analytical result to discuss the change and continuity of the social organization of Kucapungane people from Japanese-Occupied Period to the period before moving out the village. In addition, from the perspective of archaeology of communities, with the understanding of individuals initiative as the prerequisite, and the settlement is regarded as an aggregate formed under the interaction of community practice. By clarifying the organization of each community in the settlement, the social relationship and the connotation of practical interaction, this thesis describes community dynamics in the settlement, and then presents the overall operation and changes of the society in the old-Kucapungane era. After the dialectical comparison between space syntax analysis results and ethnographic data, this study discovered that the close interaction displayed by the proximity of each house can be divided into two types: 1) "kinship relationship", including father and son, brother, brother-in-law and brother-in-law); 2) "hierarchical relationship", like their convention says: "the common people serve the nobles, and the nobles take care of the common people", could be analogized as “brothers”. These two interactions can coexist at the same time because of the entanglement of the pre-occupied historical context and the inheritance system. However, the neighborhood, formed by the neighboring interaction relationship, if its area is located under the control of the higher-rank members (big chief family), the lower-rank members (the commoner family) cannot choose the location to build the house at will, and they tend to leave this range to find a place to build their house when dividing the house branch. It has also led to a broken and obstructed layout of the open space outside the house; on the contrary, if the cluter’s area is not under the control of the big chief family, it is freer to choose the location of the house to be built, and people tend to live next to others when the land is insufficient. Comparing this rule of neighborhood spatial structure with the ethnography of settlement expansion, it can be found that the entire Old-Kucapungane settlement presents the characteristics of spatial fragmentation and isolation in the early neighborhood blocks in the west, while the late neighborhood in the east presents the characteristics of open space, integration and concentration. In addition, high accessibility and integration locations in the settlements are usually used as locations for holding large-scale events to consolidate the identity of the entire settlement population. Through the analysis of the axis diagram, it is found that before and after the construction of the two avenues, the center of high accessibility and integration in the settlement changed from the area on the west side of the settlement center to the area on the east side. The transfer of center also fits the social context of the declining traditional power of big chiefs in ethnographic materials. However, from the perspective of "intelligibility" in space syntax analysis, the two settlement layouts before and after the construction of the avenues both are difficult to manage and control. It can be inferred from ethnographic data that even if external forces enter the tribe, Old-Kucapungane people still maintain the traditional ways of neighborhood interaction in the settlement through traditional ritual practices such as the Millet Harvest Festival. In conclusion, this thesis presents that in the development and social changes of the Rukai Kucapungane people, the "operation of the exchange system" is the most important and constant mechanism for its social composition and the interaction between the community. Because of the operation of exchange system, the neighborhoods in the settlement can maintain the interactive mode in different historical contexts. And people in the integrated concentrated area of the settlement, through performing large-scale tribal events and displaying the artifacts and ornaments obtained from the cross-step exchange ceremony, empower different neighborhoods in the settlement to gather together, condenses their settlement identity, and eventually maintain the concept of hierarchical interaction and shared spirit of "the common people serve the nobles, and the nobles take care of the common people". It keeps the harmony between people in different hierarchy, even when Kucapungane was facing changes in the entry of external forces, or conflicts in the interaction of internal neighborhood, which shows the flexibility to adapt to any changes. Besides, this thesis also presents the close connection between space and the culture of Old-Kucapungane settlement, and even finally proves the validity of its space syntax analysis in the analysis of archaeological settlements, and brings insights about relation of space and society to Taiwan archaeology.