本文嘗試以經驗性測量方法,討論台灣女性選民表現出的性別意識、女權意識態度,及受其影響下是否會有不同的政黨支持傾向。研究目的為: 一、女性選民的個人背景特徵是否促成或影響其性別意識與女權意識,那些背景的女性會測驗出較具性別意識及女權意識。 二、性別意識及女權意識在概念部分有很多重疊之處,然兩者是否相關,其關係為何。 三、在政治參與行為上,女性選民的性別意識與女權意識是否會影響其政黨支持。 研究方法以次級調查資料分析法,資料來源為國科會社會資源研究中心設置的社會變遷基本調查推動委員會所執行的「台灣地區社會變遷基本調查第四期第三次調查計劃」當中的性別組問卷,並篩選出問卷中女性受訪者作分析。 研究結果發現,個人背景因素中的年齡、教育程度、職業收入,會影響女性的性別意識與女權意識,而教育程度是最重要的影響變項,婚姻關係的背景因素則沒有顯著的相關。性別意識與女權意識在概念上接近且有相互涵蓋之處,研究結果兩者的確相關,然仍有差異,相關程度不高,無法判定某一意識較高時另一意識也會較高。而在兩種意識概念與政黨支持關係的聯結上,相關程度更低,未達顯著,無法以受訪者的性別意識或女權意識程度來預測其政黨支持。究其原因,台灣投票行為研究中,婦女政策作為一種議題取向分析的可能會有適用上或解釋上的問題,除了政黨所採取的選戰策略會趨於相近的立場、共價性議題特性造成辯論重要性被減弱、需要較高的資訊成本或政治練達度較高的選民才容易區辨、議題重要性的排序不同這些因素,台灣可能還處於「發展中的性別差異」階段,較支持右翼政黨。最後,議題投票和政黨認同的中介因素可能同時存在,選民基於綜合判斷仍不會表現出單一解釋的投票型態。
This article attempts to use statistic empirical measurement methods to discuss the female voters in Taiwan showing the gender consciousness and feminism consciousness, and if the female voters’ party support will vary under the influence of both gender consciousness and feminism consciousness. The purpose of the study: 1.We will have a research on whether the female voters’ personal background will have an influence upon gender consciousness and feminism consciousness. 2. The gender consciousness and feminism consciousness have many repetitions in concepts, we will see that if they are relevant and what is the relationship between them. 3. Whether female voters’ gender consciousness and feminism consciousness will affect their party support. A Survey research method is to select several female respondents to analyze. The results showed that age, educational level, employment income will cause an effect upon females’ gender consciousness and feminism consciousness. Educational level is the most important variable, but there is no significant relationship to marriage. The concept between gender consciousness and feminism consciousness are very close and some of them are overlapping. The result of the research comes that they are really relevant, but there are still slightly different ─ the relation between gender consciousness and feminism consciousness is low. We cannot judge whether the feminism consciousness degree will rise when the gender consciousness degree become higher, and vice versa. These two kinds of consciousness (gender consciousness and feminism consciousness) and party support are slightly relevant and unable to predict the party support of the respondents in both gender consciousness and feminism consciousness.